Declaration of Albania's independence

Kristo Frashëri[1]

The age-old struggle of the Albanian people against their Turkish oppressors culminated successfully with the declaration of national independence on 28 November 1912. That day marked the end of a lengthy period of suffering and hardship for the Albanian people, while also commemorating the countless and heroic efforts in their history. Though small, resilient and often standing alone, they never bowed to the mighty enemy, never yielding even when the Ottoman Empire was among the world's largest nations and threatened to engulf the whole of Europe.

During the 19th century, as a result of the changes that occurred in the internal situation of Albania and on the international stage, the liberation war against the Turkish oppressors intensified and gained momentum. With the war led by the League of Prizren (1878-1881) and the tireless activity of the Renaissance figures, the liberation movement made significant progress: the consciousness of the liberation war penetrated even deeper into the country's popular masses. By the end of the 19th century, Albanian patriots saw the day of their homeland's liberation drawing near.

In the early years of the 20th century, the national liberation movement in Albania grew at a very rapid pace. The oppressive and parasitic Turkish regime, relying on feudal relations, plundered the national revenues yearly through taxes and opened the doors to foreign capitals at the expense of the country's economy, worsening Albania's economic situation more and more. On the other hand, pursuing an obscurantist and ultra-reactionary policy, a policy of denying the Albanian identity, language, and culture, and every national spiritual wealth, and persecuting patriots and progressive individuals of the country with fervour, the regime of Sultan Abdul Hamid had become utterly unbearable for the Albanian people.

These factors led to the strengthening of the national liberation front. However, this front was overshadowed by several negative circumstances.

Ismail Qemali, on the first anniversary of independence in 1913, on the balcony of the house where independence was proclaimed, surrounded by Albanian patriots.

The level of social development in Albania was significantly behind. The working class had yet to emerge. The bourgeoisie was consistently weak, tied to trade, small-scale production, or large estate ownership. As a result, Albania lacked a capable revolutionary class that, with its political party, could lead the national liberation movement. The feudal lords, even when not aligned with the Sultan, feared armed struggle, preferred opportunistic solutions, sought the patronage of foreign states, and typically followed their directives. Furthermore, the organization of the front was hampered by Turkish police pursuits, internments, and the expulsion of patriots from Albania. Religious and regional divisions were exacerbated not only by Turkish officials but also by foreign agents.

On the other hand, the major capitalist powers of Europe, evolving into imperialism, intensified their efforts to make dependent states of both the Balkan nations and the Ottoman Empire. In rivalry with each other, these major powers, aiming to tie them to their own politics, promised entire regions of Ottoman holdings in Europe to the governments of the Balkan nations; for this purpose, they fostered in them sentiments of chauvinism and hostility. Among the Ottoman regions in Europe, Albania and Macedonia were used as bait to stoke the chauvinistic ambitions of the Balkan governments. As a result, the Albanian people, in their liberation struggle, faced not only the Turkish oppressor but also the major capitalist powers, and especially the chauvinistic governments of neighbouring countries (Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece), which instead of extending a fraternal hand to the Albanian people, devised plans and concluded agreements amongst themselves for the partition of Albania.

Two of the major capitalist powers, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, have presented themselves as the "primary factors of the independence that Albania achieved in 1912”. Without denying the role they played in the events of 1912, we must acknowledge that their stance was entirely dictated by imperialistic considerations, by purely political, economic, and strategic interests. Both of these states aimed to gain control of the Balkans by securing a strong base in Albania; they were interested in ensuring that the Albanian coastline did not fall into the hands of Serbia or Greece, behind which stood Russia, France, and England. Moreover, Austria sought to ensure this coastline did not fall into Italy's hands, while Italy did not want to see Austria on this coast. For over 35 years, the policies of Austria and Italy were summarized under the banner of maintaining the "status quo" in the Balkans, which meant preserving Turkish rule in Albania, Macedonia, Thrace, etc.

To maintain this status quo from the year 1881 to 1912, Austria and Italy entered into a series of international agreements. However, despite these adverse circumstances, at the beginning of the 20th century, the nationalist and liberation movement gained momentum, and national consciousness took root amongst the rural and urban masses, giving the movement a more democratic character. The liberating and revolutionary Ilinden uprising in Macedonia (1903) and, particularly, the Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905-1907, provided a significant boost to the organised struggle in Albania. Thus, immediately following the revolutionary uprising of Ilinden, Albanian patriots held a congress in Bucharest in April 1904, where they tackled the issue of organising the fight for a free and independent Albania.

And a little later, while the echoes of the revolution still resounded in Russia, the mountains of Albania began to fill with bands of patriots. The new momentum that the movement took in the years 1903-1905 and the need for organizing the struggle led to the formation, in April 1906, in Manastir (Bitola), of a secret Albanian committee named "For the Freedom of Albania," led by the patriot Bajo Topulli. Relying on the revolutionary zeal of the Albanian people, the Committee quickly achieved success. It established branches in many cities of Albania, organized the distribution of illicit publications, and rallied the patriotic forces of the country around it. That same year, the first nationalist-liberation band was formed, and the first armed attempt against the Turkish troops (near Leskovik) took place. This was followed by other bands which, with the slogan "Either death! Or freedom!", engaged in confrontations with the Turkish armies.

Despite the Turkish reaction, supported by the local beys and the reactionary clergy, the armed bands increased and the mountains were filled with young fighters. In 1907, the Albanian patriots issued a call from the free mountains for a general uprising against the Turkish oppressors. The message from Çerçiz Topulli, commander of a freedom volunteer band, addressed to the Albanian people in January of that year, concluded with the call: "Long live the uprising of the oppressed Albania which will bring freedom, happiness, and prosperity to the country."

After the actions of the liberation bands and the tireless work of the active patriots, who enjoyed the support of the popular masses, in the spring of 1908, Albania was on the brink of a general uprising. The movement gained significant momentum especially in Kosovo and Macedonia. A few months later, at the beginning of July 1908, around 20,000 armed Albanians gathered in Ferizoviq (Kosovo), ready to rise. In those days, Albania resembled a volcano on the verge of eruption. However, the development of the uprising took a temporary detour due to the bourgeois Turkish revolution (Young Turks revolution) that broke out in those days, on July 23, 1908.

The Turkish bourgeoisie, interested in overthrowing the feudal regime of the sultans and paving the way for development and enrichment, was the driving force behind this revolution. The representatives of this bourgeoisie, gathered around the Young Turks committee "Union and Progress" (Ittihad ve Terakki), sought to harness the liberatory aspirations of the peoples oppressed by the Ottoman Empire for their revolutionary purposes. They paid special attention to the resistance movement in Albania.

With their demagogic platform for the overthrow of the despotic regime of Sultan Abdyl Hamid, the establishment of a constitutional regime, the limitation of the beys' power, the recognition of national rights, the guarantee of freedom of speech and the press, and a general amnesty, the Young Turks managed to attract many Albanian patriots to their movement. They were able to leverage the wave of the liberation uprising in Albania and Macedonia, especially the gathering of thousands of armed peasants in Ferizoviq, to ignite the revolution, which forced Sultan Abdyl Hamid to proclaim the constitution (hyrjetin) on July 23, 1908.

The proclamation of the constitution, the granting of certain limited freedoms following the revolution's success, the Young Turks' pledges for rapid reforms, and promises for the recognition of national rights led to a temporary cessation of the armed struggle of the Albanian people against the Turkish oppressors. Many Albanian patriots, deceived by the cunning of the Young Turks, overestimated the importance of the revolution and the constitution.

Once in power, the Young Turks quickly revealed their bourgeois nationalist face. They did not aim to overthrow the Turkish Empire. Therefore, they began to take measures to ensure the empire's survival by suppressing the national movements of the oppressed peoples aiming to form their states and the peasant movements aiming to further develop the initiated revolution.

But the diversionary politics of the deceitful Young Turks and the clamor of their Albanian henchmen couldn't quell the liberation movement. On the contrary, starting from 1909, the armed liberation war in Albania against the Turkish oppressors entered its final phase.

The years 1909-1913 are characterized by a fierce armed struggle of the Albanian people against the Turkish oppressors and by a harsh political battle between two currents within the Albanian national movement: the patriotic-revolutionary current, which sought to deepen the fight for the country's complete liberation and to break Albania free from Turkish rule, and the opportunistic current, which tried to restrain the movement within the program of the Young Turks.

The opportunistic current, equipped with powerful propaganda tools, tried to disorient the liberation movement by sounding alarms about the ambitions of neighboring countries. It wasn't hard to discern that the platform of this current had its roots not only in the government of the Young Turks in Istanbul but also in the imperialist government of Vienna, which continued to advocate for the preservation of the status quo in the Balkans. In fact, leaders of this current (such as Midat Frashëri, Faik Konica, Gjergj Fishta, Mehdi Frashëri, etc.) were at that time agents of the Young Turks or of the Austrian government.

However, the efforts of the opportunistic current couldn't divert the Albanian national movement from its rightful path. The Albanian people followed the path shown by fighters and democratic patriots like Themistokli Gërmenji, Bajram Curri, Spiro Ballkameni, Luigj Gurakuqi, Qamil Panariti, Mihal Grameno, Hil Mosi, and others.

These new movements, which now turned against the regime of the Young Turks, began as early as the summer of 1909. In August of that year, in Ferizoviq, thousands of armed peasants again gathered to protest against the measures of the Young Turks, a protest that turned into an uprising. The government in Istanbul sent an army led by Xhavid Pasha: yet, despite all the terror they exerted, the movement was not suppressed. Moreover, the uprising spread throughout Kosovo, then to Lumë and the Northern Highlands, and simultaneously to southern Albania. The military operations failed, and Xhavid Pasha with his troops returned from whence they came.

In the spring of 1910, the rebels began to attack the cities where Turkish garrisons were located. This time the Turkish government took more significant measures: it sent to Albania a "koll-hurdi" (corps) of 70 regular army battalions, equipped with modern weapons, under the command of the Young Turk general, Shefqet Turgut Pasha. War ignited throughout Kosovo: Shefqet Turgut Pasha could only re-establish Turkish power in the cities. Then, always with terror, persecution, and imprisonments, the Turkish battalions moved to Northern and Central Albania. To end the uprising or to "pacify" Albania, as they said back then, the Turkish army began the disarmament of Albanians, forced recruitment, and the strengthening of city garrisons. Then, thinking they had subdued Albania, the Young Turks withdrew their "koll-hurdi" to Istanbul. But despite all these measures, the movement was not suppressed.

In the spring of 1911, the armed uprising erupted again. This time it began in Malësin' e Madhe (Great Highlands). From the early days, the rebels achieved success; on March 24th, Deçiçi and Krevenica were liberated, and a day later, Tuzi. Turkish garrisons and officials were expelled from many other places. In May, the rebels, after defeating the Turks in Pejnik, paved the way to liberate Shkodra. The rebels also achieved success in Dibër.

In the south, the bands grew with new fighters. In Korçë, Kolonjë, Gjirokastër, and Vlorë, illegal revolutionary committees operated, guiding and interconnecting the bands of patriots.

This time, the uprising, in its strength, surpassed the proportions of the revolt from the previous year. The Young Turks felt the threat coming from the Albanian mountains, so they sent a large army of 45,000 soldiers, again under the command of Shefqet Turgut Pasha. But the Albanian rebels did not waver: they offered strong resistance to the Turkish army. Shefqet Turguti wrote in those days about this resistance: "... every day there have been relentless and continuous efforts, but the rebels defended every rock, every home, and only left their positions by giving their lives..." But despite the heroism shown, facing the Turkish military superiority and pinched by the lack of food, the Albanian rebels were forced to abandon the liberated areas and seek refuge in Montenegro territory.

An alternative view of Ismail Qemali on the first anniversary of independence in 1913, on that same historic balcony, amidst the compatriots who marked that epochal moment.

Montenegro warmly welcomed the Albanian highlanders, as it was preparing for a war against Turkey and was interested in ensuring the revolt in Albania wasn't suppressed. The collaboration of the Albanians with Montenegro alarmed not only the Turkish government but also the Austrian one. To persuade the highlanders to return, all opportunistic elements were mobilized, led by Austrian and Turkish agents, who began to sound the alarm about the Slavic threat.

Given the vast scale the revolt took and the threat of opportunistic elements trying to take over the nation's fate, it became imperative to formulate the Albanian people's demands and present them to the Great Powers.

Under the initiative of Ismail Qemali, who went to Gërça in Montenegro where the exiled rebels were located, a memorandum was drafted on July 12, 1911, addressed to the English government. The memorandum demanded territorial-administrative autonomy for Albania with a representative of the Sultan as a general inspector, guarantees from Turkey to respect the constitution, full freedom in the elections of deputies, military service of Albanian recruits within Albania, complete freedom in the use of the language and Albanian schools, compensation by the Turkish government for damages caused during military operations, the return of weapons, amnesty, etc. Requests in the spirit of the Gërça memorandum were also presented by the rebels of southern Albania: one of these was the memorandum approved in the assembly of the Cepo Monastery.

Although these memoranda did not demand a complete separation of Albania, the requests put forth would undoubtedly lead to the declaration of independence. Precisely for this reason, the Turkish government did not accept these demands. Believing that the armies of Shefqet Turgut Pasha had removed the general revolt threat, the Turkish government only agreed to grant a few small and preliminary privileges, and these only for the Shkodra district.

From the autumn of 1911, it seemed as if the fire of the uprising had died down. Many highland rebels sheltered in Montenegro, constrained by the poverty of concentration camps, the approaching winter, the continuous pressure from opportunistic elements, threats from the Austrian government which sought to extinguish the movement that was threatening the disruption of the status quo in the Balkans, and ultimately, persecuted by the chauvinistic Montenegrin government, they were forced to return to their devastated homes. However, the suppression of the revolt was temporary.

***

In the spring of 1912, when it seemed the Turks did not fulfill even the few promises they made the previous year, the rebellion erupted with even greater fury.

In the spring of 1912, the movement seized the entirety of Albania. The echoes of the armed movements of the past years, this time, were also reflected in the Turkish parliament where Albanian deputies, among them Ismail Qemali, along with deputies of other oppressed nationalities, formed a strong opposition against the Young Turk government. The strong voice of the Albanian deputies shook the foundations of the Young Turks' government, which, in order to break the opposition, dissolved the Empire's parliament. During the new elections, the Young Turk government used all police and anti-constitutional means to prevent the election of opposition Albanian figures like Ismail Qemali, Isa Boletini, etc. The Young Turk agents launched a shameless smear campaign against Albanian patriots, portraying them as foreign agents. Simultaneously, to deceive the general public, they continued the demagogic propaganda initiated a few years earlier with a renewed language.

During this fierce campaign against the Albanian patriots, the Young Turks began speaking to the peasants about the "confiscation of the bey's lands and distributing these lands for the benefit of the peasants." They began advocating for the concerns of the Albanian workers in the name of socialism and the proletariat. They managed to establish clubs for the poor and shamelessly presented themselves as socialists in their unsightly publications, Dielli and later, Hëna, which were printed in Shkodër.

However, all their measures failed utterly. The liberation movement in Albania erupted in a fiery uprising. The revolt began on May 5, 1912, in Drenica (Kosovo), then spread to the districts of Peja, Vučitrn, Mitrovica, and Mirdita. On May 7, the assault on Gjakova began, but the occupying Turks defended the city. By the end of the month, the revolt had reached Mat and Dibra. In early June, the rebels started the assault on Peja, which they couldn't capture due to the wavering stance of opportunistic leaders, who were quick to negotiate with the Turkish command. Around this time, a group of rebels, led by Bajram Curri, attacked the Turkish troops at the Prush Pass and decisively defeated them. This success greatly boosted the revolt across all of Kosovo. The uprising then spread to Lumë, Puka, Kurbin, and up to the districts of Kruja. Everywhere, when clashing with the Albanian rebels, Turkish troops were either defeated and retreated or barricaded themselves in city castles. During June, the revolt spread not only to central but also southern Albania. Armed bands of patriots were fighting in the districts of Tirana, Durrës, Elbasan, Berat, Korçë, Vlorë, and Gjirokastër.

By the end of June 1912, all of Albania was on its feet; aside from the cities, the vast majority of the country had been freed by the rebels. The uprisings of 1912 were different from those of the previous years not only in their scale but also because that year, there was a central organization guiding, at least in general terms, the liberation struggle. This body, known as the General Committee of the Uprising, centered in Kosovo, was in connection with the uprising committees of various regions of the country. The "General Committee" was also linked with the revolutionary committee of the Macedonians, and they reached a kind of agreement for the outbreak of a general uprising in both territories at the same time. However, the agreement wasn't honored due to disruptions caused by chauvinistic elements from both sides.

Although there was a central body directing the uprising that year, its ranks included quite a few opportunistic elements who did not seek independence from Turkey. Furthermore, members of the Turkish Freedom and Agreement Party (the "Ittihad" party) had joined the Albanian rebels. Even though they were opponents of the Young Turks, they sought to preserve the Ottoman Empire. In fact, the leadership of the General Committee was under the control of these opportunistic elements, led by Hasan Prishtina.

In the summer of 1912, the positions of the Young Turk government were deeply shaken, both by their inability to suppress the fierce Albanian uprising and the Ittihadist opposition movement, and by the defeats the Turks were suffering in Tripoli at the hands of the Italian troops.

Facing the impossibility of saving the Empire from the looming catastrophe due to the Albanian uprising and the impending war by the Balkan states, the Young Turks' government was compelled to resign in July 1912. It was succeeded by the government of Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha, which immediately began implementing measures to suppress the Albanian revolt with new troops. At the same time, it dispatched a commission to negotiate with the Albanian rebels.

However, the rebellion in Albania was rapidly gaining momentum. Throughout the country, fierce battles ensued between the Albanian rebels and Turkish forces. In early August, the rebels freed Pristina and a few days later, they liberated Peć, Đakovica, Mitrovica, and Gjilane. That same month, leading 20,000 rebels, Bajram Curri attacked and liberated Skopje.

The Turkish governmental commission, led by Marshal Ibrahim Pasha, during its negotiations with the leaders of the "General Committee of the Uprising," adamantly resisted recognizing the autonomy of Albania. The Turkish delegates proposed a 14-point program to the Committee; this program contained commitments from the Turkish government on the Albanian issue. It spoke only of certain administrative reforms and the acknowledgment of some cultural rights; the primary matter, the autonomy of Albania, was not addressed at all.

The revolutionary patriots rejected the Turkish program, considering it pointless to discuss at a time when the rebels were achieving remarkable successes, and when Albania was on the verge of full liberation. However, opportunistic elements, after a fierce difference of opinion with the revolutionary patriots, eventually reached an agreement with the Turkish parliamentarian, Hasan Prishtina. On behalf of the Committee, he accepted the 14-point program of the Turkish government, thereby betraying the Albanian uprising.

With the approval of the Turkish program, the uprising entered a perilous path, the path of compromise. The revolutionary patriot elements sought to redirect the uprising towards its original aims. However, the unity in leading the revolt was now broken. Additionally, a new, profoundly influential factor emerged concerning the fate of the uprising: the outbreak of the Balkan War.

The continuous and unstoppable decline of Turkey, and its inability to sustain the Ottoman Empire, kept the interest of the Great Powers and the Balkan states alive concerning the fate of the Ottoman Empire and the inheritance of its provinces in Europe, Asia, and Africa.

Among the Great Powers, Russia was consistently interested in the complete collapse of Turkey. The Balkan states (Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria, and Montenegro) were also keen on such a demise, as they aimed to liberate their regions still under Ottoman rule. However, Western Powers, England and France, continued to support the decaying Turkey to stay afloat, aiming to prevent Russia's penetration into the Near and Middle East. Austro-Hungary and Italy persistently maintained a stance of preserving the status quo in the Balkans, viewing this as the most appropriate way to prevent any foreign power from gaining access to the Albanian coast.

The vehement Albanian uprisings and the Turkish defeat in Tripoli clearly indicated that the Ottoman Empire was on the brink of extinction; another organized strike was all it would take to entirely eject it from the Balkans.

The Balkan states sought to exploit this situation. After numerous discussions, temporarily setting aside their longstanding antagonisms, the Balkan states formed several political and military alliances against Turkey during 1911-1912. By forming a political and military alliance against Turkey, the Balkan monarchies aimed to inherit all the possessions of the Ottoman Empire in Europe (Albania, Macedonia, Thrace), contrary to the national rights of the oppressed peoples. The demands of the Serbian, Greek, Bulgarian, and Montenegrin governments were driven by a profound chauvinism, both towards Albania and Macedonia. This chauvinist sentiment was incited and fueled by certain major imperialist powers. Regarding Albania, these states decided on its partition. The Serbian government claimed all of Kosovo, Dibra, and parts of northern and central Albania, including Durrës and Lezhë, to access the Adriatic; Montenegro wanted Shkodra, while Greece, among others, claimed southern Albania, which it called "Northern Epirus."

The fierce Albanian uprisings, which were increasingly convincing the European public opinion about the need for recognizing the autonomy or independence of Albania, greatly alarmed the chauvinistic circles of the Balkan monarchies. Ignoring the objections of Russia, Austria, and Italy, which each tried to avoid the outbreak of the Balkan War for their own reasons, Montenegro declared war on Turkey on October 9, Serbia and Bulgaria on October 17, and Greece on October 19, 1912. The eruption of the Balkan War changed the political circumstances of the liberation uprising in Albania.

Before the war began, the Albanian people saw their neighbors as allies in a joint fight against the Turkish oppressors. A brotherly combat spirit was quickly emerging among Albanians, Serbs, Montenegrins, Greeks, and Bulgarians. Pivotal roles in this campaign of fraternization were played by the progressive figures and socialist militants of these countries. At the first conference of Balkan socialists held in 1910 in Belgrade, Albanian representatives also participated, even though there was no formal socialist party in Albania at that time. The conference discussed the common struggle of the Balkan peoples for their national liberation, against the chauvinistic monarchies of the Balkan states, against the expansionist ambitions of Western European imperialists, and for the establishment of a Federative Republic in the Balkans.

However, this popular spirit of brotherhood was sabotaged without scruples by the chauvinistic circles of all the Balkan countries, especially by the European imperialist circles, which used every means to sow division among these peoples. Regarding this, V.I. Lenin wrote shortly afterward that the European bourgeoisie "aims only to exploit the labor of others, it fuels chauvinism and national hostility to facilitate the implementation of a policy of plunder, to hinder the free development of the oppressed classes of the Balkans."

During this time, the chauvinistic governments of the Balkans (Serbian, Montenegrin, Greek governments) held a very hostile stance, especially towards Albania. On the other hand, they sought to exploit the Albanian people's rapprochement with neighboring peoples to facilitate the advance of their armies in the war they were preparing against Turkey, and to nullify the resistance they might encounter in Albania from the Albanian rebels.

The hostile intentions of these chauvinistic governments quickly became evident. Albanian highlanders, responding to Montenegro's call for a fraternal war against the centuries-old oppressor, began fighting against the Turkish armies. However, when they liberated the town of Tuzi and raised the Albanian flag there, they were faced with the brutality of the Montenegrin armies. These armies entered Tuzi immediately after the Albanian rebels, took down the Albanian flag, and in its place, raised the flag of the Kingdom of Montenegro. In the south, Greek chauvinists asked the Albanian rebels to act against the Turkish armies but only north of the Vjosa river, as in the regions south of the Vjosa, which they intended to annex, they did not want to find Albanian rebels. Similarly, the Serbian government, in its proclamation issued in the Albanian language in October 1912, through the commander of the Serbian armies, promised the Albanian people liberation from Turkish rule, "to live fraternally under the shadow of King Peter."

The Turkish armies showed early signs that they would not be able to stop the advance of the Balkan armies. Pristina, Mitrovica, and Peja fell into the hands of the Serbian armies in the early days. Shkodra was besieged first by the Montenegrin armies and Janina by the Greek armies. The joy stemming from the expulsion of the centuries-old oppressor was immediately overshadowed by the resentment brought by the proclamations of the chauvinistic governments of neighboring countries.

For the Albanian people, the political situation was now clear: the old foreign oppressors were being replaced by new ones, and an Albania, although subdued but undivided, would be followed by an Albania again subjugated and, moreover, irreparably fragmented.

In this tumultuous situation, with a very bleak outlook for the country's future, a way out needed to be found before it was too late. This pressing issue was something the political and social elites in Albania tried to solve in various ways. As a result of the wave of the Balkan War, several platforms were confronted, around which political discussions unfolded throughout the regions of Albania.

One of the first platforms was that of the Albanian rebels, who wanted the revolt started four years earlier against the Turkish oppressors to continue with great momentum alongside the Balkan Powers now at war against the common enemy. However, this just stance of the Albanian rebels began to waver, both due to the hostile and perilous attitudes of the Balkan governments and because of the rampant propaganda from the beys, the fanatical Muslim clergy, and other agents of Turkey and Austria, who accused the rebels of collaborating with countries set on partitioning Albania. Therefore, this platform began to depreciate, and the Albanian rebels, due to the policies of the Balkan governments, were forced to abandon the continuation of the fight against the Turkish oppressors and adopt a stance of "waiting", not fighting alongside or against the Balkan allies.

Unlike their predecessors, Albania's leading feudal lords and the staunch Muslim reactionaries wanted the Albanian rebels, who had recently battled Turkish invaders, to abandon this fight. Instead, they aimed for the rebels to join forces with the Turkish army, using Turkish weapons and operating under Ottoman command, to confront the Balkan states. Leaders of this movement, which risked plunging the Albanian people into an ill-advised venture and painting the uprising as a product of Turkish influence, included opportunists like Hasan Prishtina and influential feudal figures such as Ferhat Draga and Nexhip Draga from Kosovo, Esat Toptani and Mazar Toptani from Central Albania, and Mufit Libohova and Syrja Vlora from the south.

A segment of the bourgeois nationalists saw the Balkan armies as an even bigger threat than the retreating Turkish oppressors. However, these nationalists believed that, without merging with the Turks, the Albanian rebels should wage their own armed resistance against Serbian, Greek, and Montenegrin forces. Their goal was to emphasize Albania's aspirations for independence on the world stage. To this end, an Albanian committee, named "Black Society", sent a note to the consuls of the Great Powers in Skopje. They clarified that the Albanians took up arms to defend their homeland from potential division, not to defend the Turkish Empire. However, this stance couldn't eliminate the risk of Albania's struggle being compromised as long as the Turkish military was present in the region, especially if the Albanian resistance inadvertently supported the Ottoman forces.

As events unfolded, the Balkan armies continued their swift advances, seizing city after city.

Here's an adapted translation of the text for English publication:

On October 28, Peja fell into Montenegrin hands. Not long after, Prizren was occupied by Serbian forces. Meanwhile, another Serbian battalion was drawing near to Ohrid, and Greek troops, moving from Macedonia, began their march into southern Albania. By early November, the situation reached a critical point: Bulgarian forces, having surrounded Edirne, were now approaching Çatalca, just outside Istanbul. The successive defeats across all fronts compelled the Ottoman Empire to request an armistice on November 3, 1912.

These swift Turkish setbacks and the relentless advancement of Balkan forces deepened the sense of alarm and chaos in Albania. The absence of a unified political leadership, capable of mobilizing the popular masses demanding clear and immediate actions, left the country vulnerable to conflicting opinions, harmful propaganda, often self-destructive initiatives, and machinations by both internal and external adversaries. There was an urgent quest for a solution, a beacon of hope for the nation's uncertain fate.

In the midst of this tangled scenario, with the country's forces scattered and bewildered, Albanian patriots managed to identify a way forward. Taking into account the intricate political situation enveloping Albania, they advocated that only the Albanian people, united around a single political entity, could resolve the crisis. To achieve this, they would need to adopt a stance of neutrality, staying removed from the armed conflict that threatened Albania's existence from both sides.

On the first anniversary of independence in 1913, Albanian clerics stand amidst the populace, proudly holding the national flag. A testament to the unity and solidarity between faiths and the nation.

To achieve this goal, the political body needed to be chosen by the Albanian people. It had to earn the trust of the masses and possess legal authority in the eyes of foreign states. Only a national congress could fulfill such a role, convening within Albania's territory in an area free from both Ottoman and Balkan allied troops. In the name of the Albanian people, this congress would sever Albania's ties with the Ottoman Empire, declare independence and, simultaneously, the country's neutrality. It would also establish a national government responsible for defending Albania's sovereignty.

This directive also considered the fact that the Great Powers wouldn't stand idly by in the face of political shifts on the Balkan map. From the beginning of the conflict, they asserted that any changes in the Balkans would require their consent. Now, as the status quo was disrupted and the risk of Serbian access to the Albanian coast became imminent, the brewing tensions among the Great Powers over the fate of the Adriatic-primarily between Austria and Italy on one side, and France and Russia on the other-would create conditions favorable to international support for the Albanian cause.

This strategy was devised by Albanian patriots both within Albania and in exile, right from the onset of the Balkan conflict. Where and when this platform was first laid out remains uncertain to us today.

Nevertheless, in Albania, the call to convene a Congress garnered widespread popular support. By the end of October 1912, proactive patriots from places like Prizren, Pristina, Dibra, and soon after from Elbasan, Vlora, Gjakova, Shkodra, Tirana, Gjirokaster, Korce, and other locations, unequivocally endorsed this significant move. Simultaneously, Albanian patriots who had emigrated to Istanbul, led by Ismail Qemali, and those in Bucharest, voiced their wish to hold a national Congress in Albania.

Cities across the country, collaborating among themselves before being seized by the Balkan forces, selected their representatives to participate in the Congress, whose location had yet to be determined. In several cities, like Pristina and Prizren, once the Turkish forces had retreated, Albanian patriots, in front of assembled masses, lowered the Turkish flag and hoisted the Albanian flag in its stead.

By early November, the proposal to organize a national congress gained momentum throughout the nation. Discussions ensued about the potential venue: initially mentions included Shkodra, Dibra, Elbasan, then Durres, and finally Vlora. A few days later, a pioneering committee of three members was established in Vlora, maintaining liaisons with Albanian cities and emigrated patriots concerning the national congress.

As deliberations regarding the congress continued in Albania, the Istanbul-based Albanian patriots, through Ismail Qemali, issued the pivotal directive: The Congress must convene as soon as possible in a liberated part of Albania. Always in touch with cities in the country, Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi set out from Istanbul to Bucharest. There, with their initiative, a conference of emigrated Albanians was convened to discuss the crucial actions needed during those pivotal days. The conference aligned with the directive to call for the Congress as soon as possible in a location within Albania, emphasizing not independence but rather the homeland's autonomy, as hopes for recognizing independence seemed improbable. For this purpose, the conference decided to send a delegation of four members, including Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi, to Albania, representing the Albanian colony of Romania at the National Congress.

The news of the delegation's departure and the telegraphic invitation sent by Ismail Qemali, through the pioneering committee of Vlora, to all Albanian cities to convene the Congress in Durres or Vlora, and to promptly dispatch delegates from various regions, was met with overwhelming enthusiasm throughout the country.

The initial step was taken; however, a race against time had begun. Actions had to be taken more swiftly than the advancing Balkan forces. It was a battle to gain every day and hour. Albanian cities, before falling into foreign hands, hastily sent their delegates to Durres. Yet, the Turkish authorities in Durres, even though the Ottoman Empire was on the brink of collapse, did not allow the Albanian National Congress to convene there. The Turks, even in the last moment, sought to drag Albania into disaster; this attested to the words of the distinguished patriot, Sami Frashëri, penned in 1899, stating that “Turkey, in its demise, sought to treacherously bring down Albania as well”. Yet, this challenge was overcome by selecting Vlora (known as Valona in some languages) as the venue for the Congress. Meanwhile, the delegation that had set out from Bucharest made its way through Budapest, where Ismail Qemali had a meeting with the Austrian foreign minister, and then in Vienna with the Italian ambassador. He sought their respective governments' support in recognizing Albania's autonomy. From the Austrian capital, maintaining constant telegraphic contact with Albanian cities, Qemali, accompanied by many Albanian patriots, headed to Durrës (Durazzo). They arrived on November 20, 1912, and two days later, together with representatives from numerous Albanian cities, they embarked on their journey to Vlora.

The journey to Vlora took several days. All the while, Serbian troops were advancing, meeting little resistance. They moved partly from northern Albania and partly along the Shkumbin valley, intending to converge their two forces in Durrës. Meanwhile, the Greek forces to the south, having landed in Himarë on November 19, 1912, were trying to blockade Vlora, particularly since it was chosen as the site for the National Congress.

Before the delegates even reached Vlora, Serbian forces had occupied Lezhë (Lezha) and on November 25 captured Krujë (Kruja) without a fight, as had been the case elsewhere. Simultaneously, Serbian forces in the Shkumbin valley took Qukësin. Tirana, Durrës, and Elbasan were on the brink of being captured. On November 26, 1912, just before Serbian troops entered their city, the citizens of Tirana organized a public gathering. Amidst overwhelming enthusiasm, they raised the national flag and proclaimed "independence." Following this rally, other Albanian cities were telegraphically urged to emulate Tirana's example. In another telegram addressed to Ismail Qemali, it read: "Now we have declared independence on behalf of Albania. We urge and beseech that the undeniable rights of our independence be safeguarded." Inspired by Tirana's example, that same day in Durrës, the Turkish flag was taken down, and the national flag was hoisted in its place. The telegram sent from Durrës to other cities in the country read, "We bring you the joyous news that we have now declared independence in the name of our sacred nation and for all of Albania." That evening in Peqin, the red and black flag was also raised. The following day, on November 27th, both Kavaja and Lushnja reported they had expelled the Turkish administration and hoisted the national flag.

On November 27, 1912, a majority of delegates, with Ismail Qemali at the forefront, reached Vlora. The citizens of Vlora, along with numerous friends from all over the country, welcomed the delegates with unparalleled enthusiasm. Describing that day, Ismail Qemali wrote, "A sacred fervor had enveloped my entire city, and we were everywhere met with public enthusiasm and joy."

The next day, November 28, 1912, the National Congress was convened, with 47 delegates in attendance; the remainder couldn't reach Vlora as they were obstructed on their way by Serbian forces.

The Congress began amidst extraordinarily dire circumstances for the Albanian people. On that very day, Serbian forces occupied Tirana, advancing towards Durrës, while other Serbian units neared Elbasan. Yet, the opening of the Congress marked a significant triumph for the patriots who had surmounted the intense challenges of the preceding months.

During their struggle, the delegates had consistently received the unwavering support of the general populace. This collective enthusiasm not only bolstered the call for autonomy but spurred them to demand full independence.

As patriotic demonstrations unfolded on the streets of Vlorë, inside the Congress hall, Ismail Qemali delivered a poignant and decisive historical address. He painted a vivid picture for the delegates of the country's dire situation, emphasizing the urgent need to take resolute steps to ensure independence and safeguard the nation's sovereignty.

"The future of Albania," the esteemed patriot stressed, "now rests in the hands of its people. The path to salvation," he continued, "lies in breaking free from the Turkish yoke and declaring national independence." Qemali assured that "this aspiration of the Albanian people would find backing among the major powers, especially Austria and Italy." And it wasn't just them: "Even Russia," he added, "has shown acknowledgment towards Albania and its people, thus ensuring international public opinion would be favorable."

Finally, with fervor, Qemali urged the delegates, "Materialize the age-old desire of the Albanian people by proclaiming independence and extricating Albania from Ottoman rule." His speech was met with passionate and emotional acclaim. Without hesitation, all delegates signed the historic act penned by Luigj Gurakuqi, affirming, "From this day forward, Albania will stand as an independent, free, and sovereign nation."

On that day, at 4:30 in the afternoon, before a large gathering, with tears of joy and emotion glistening in his eyes, Luigj Gurakuqi, trembling with emotion, raised the national flag amidst thunderous cheers. Shortly afterward, thousands of citizens marched with the national flag leading the way, demonstrating in front of foreign consulates. They called on the Great Powers to recognize Albania's independence.

That very day, the Congress tasked Ismail Qemali with forming the first Albanian government, which in reality, was established a few days later. Wearing his hat as the head of the provisional government, Ismail Qemali sent telegrams to the six Great Powers of Europe and the four Powers of the Balkan Alliance. In these telegrams, he informed them about the congress's convening, the declaration of independence, the creation of a temporary government, and he appealed to them to "acknowledge this significant shift in the political life of the Albanian nation." In the telegram to the Great Powers, it was stated that "by re-entering the family of Eastern European nations, where they proudly regard themselves as the oldest members, and by pursuing solely the aim of living in peace with all Balkan states and becoming a stabilizing element, the Albanians are convinced that the governments of the Great Powers, as well as the entire civilized world, will view them favorably, safeguarding their national existence from any threat and protecting their land from any division." In the telegram sent to the Balkan states' governments, among other things, they were also asked to cease all hostile military actions within Albanian territory.

On the day independence was proclaimed, Ismail Qemali addressed the entire Albanian populace with a telegraphed proclamation. Informing them of this momentous historical event, he urged the people to maintain calm and unity, behaving with honor and wisdom during such pivotal moments for a divided homeland. On that same day, further telegrams were dispatched to Albanian colonies, foreign friends of Albania, and the leading press of Europe and America, to notify the global public opinion of the emergence of a new independent state onto the international stage.

Yet, the nascent Albanian state commenced its existence under exceedingly challenging circumstances. Although the Turkish armies stationed in Albania — with the exception of those in Shkodër — had ceased their hostilities and had gathered in Berat, Fier, and Gjirokastër, awaiting their departure to Turkey, and despite the proclamation of independence severing all ties with the Ottoman Empire, the three neighboring states — Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece — refused to recognize and respect this newfound independence. Under the pretext of chasing Turkish troops, on November 29, 1912, Serbian forces entered Durrës and Elbasan, where in reality, no Turkish soldier was present. They lowered the Albanian flag, briefly raised the Turkish one, and subsequently, through a ceremony, replaced it with the Serbian flag. From the south, the Greeks, having landed in Himarë, aimed to advance towards Vlorë, while in the north, Montenegrin forces continued their siege of Shkodër. Simultaneously, the Greek navy blockaded Vlorë's port from the sea and shortly after severed the telegraphic cable connecting the city to Italy, attempting to isolate the Albanian government from any external relations.

Fragment of the Declaration of Albania's Independence.

In addition to this, the Balkan states that had now occupied Albania were the victors of the war against Turkey. With the support of some of the Great Powers, they had numerous opportunities to secure the annexation of the Albanian regions they claimed. Ultimately, the Albanian people, worn out by protracted war and uprisings and fragmented by three foreign armies, were indeed represented by an Albanian government. However, this newly-formed government held limited power only in Vlorë and Berat, was isolated from the external world, and was surrounded on all sides by Serbian and Greek forces.

Nevertheless, led by its patriots, the Albanian populace remained unshaken. The Congress continued its sessions for several consecutive days. Following Ismail Qemali's appointment as the head of the government, Vehbi Dibra was elected as the Congress's chairman. On December 4th, the formation of the government, consisting of eight ministers, was finalized. On the same day, the Council of Elders of the Albanian state, comprising 18 members, was chosen to assist the government in matters of securing independence. Shortly afterward, the Vlorë government was able to appoint two delegates to represent Albania at the conference of ambassadors from the six Great Powers, which commenced its sessions on December 17th, 1912, in London. The objective was to discuss the political map changes in the Balkans following Turkey's defeat. The core issue for discussion—the matter of inheriting the Ottoman possessions in the Balkans—brought to light the significant contradictions that existed between two European blocs. This is because Russia and France supported the Serbian, Greek, and Montenegrin demands with the intention of preventing Austro-Hungarian expansion in the Balkans. In contrast, Austro-Hungary and Italy opposed these requests, aiming to keep open their avenue for penetration into the peninsula and to keep Serbia and Greece away from the Albanian Adriatic coast.

At the conference, the demands of the Albanian government were also presented, which summarized into the recognition of Albania's independence, the establishment of a monarchical regime with a European king, the appointment of an international commission to determine Albania's borders, etc. The ambassadors' conference did not take these Albanian demands into account. The major powers, on the very first day of the Conference, decided to approve not the full independence sought by the Albanian people, but the "autonomy" proposed by the Austro-Italian bloc, an autonomy exclusively guaranteed and controlled by the major powers, under the sovereignty or suzerainty of the Sultan. On the other hand, Serbia was recognized the right to connect to an Albanian port on the Adriatic through an international railway. The borders of Albania would be determined by an international commission, specifically appointed for this purpose.

With this decision, the major capitalist powers of Europe did not recognize Albania's independence; they obligated Albania to still maintain ties with the Turkish oppressor. Nevertheless, the Albanian people did not back down. Through continuous efforts, fighting against the internal feudal lords who tried to undermine the authority of the Albanian government, and against foreign agents attempting to undermine the existence of the Albanian national state, our people, led by its patriots, eventually managed, after several months, to reject autonomy under the Sultan's sovereignty. On July 29, 1913, the Ambassadors' Conference in London decided, among other things, to overturn the previous decision regarding the Sultan's sovereignty, but at the same time, it decided to replace it with the control of the major powers.

A few years later, the Albanian people managed to free themselves from international control, and in 1920, through the Congress of Lushnje, they secured the complete independence of their homeland and its unrestricted sovereignty over free and independent Albania.

The declaration of Albania's independence was warmly received by the global public opinion. The very next day, the Municipality of Bucharest in Romania, 80 municipalities in southern Italy, editorial teams of several European publications, Albanians living abroad, and other friends of Albania sent telegrams and letters congratulating the Albanian people on this historic event. Congratulatory telegrams continued to arrive in the following days. Foreign newspapers published friendly comments on the national independence of Albania.

The enthusiastic reception of the declaration of independence in the international public opinion was of great help to the Albanian people. Concrete and active support came to the Albanian people from the international socialist movement. The international congress of socialists held in Basel (Switzerland) in November 1912, which was also attended by the Russian Bolsheviks led by V. I. Lenin, issued a manifesto on November 26, 1912, two days before the declaration of Albanian independence. This manifesto addressed socialists from all over the world and, specifically regarding the issue of "Albanian autonomy," it was also directed to the socialists of the Balkans.

"The Congress hopes - among other things - that the Balkan socialist democracy, once the war is over, will make every effort to prevent the results achieved through such terrible sacrifices from being taken over and exploited by the dynasties, militarism, and the voracious bourgeoisies of the Balkans for territorial expansions... After the appeal made by the Congress to the Balkan socialists to prevent the recurrence of old hostilities among Serbs, Bulgarians, Romanians, and Greeks and to stop the oppression of other Balkan peoples - Turks and Albanians - it urged them to fight against chauvinism, unbridled nationalist passions, the use of force to suppress the rights of the Balkan peoples, aiming for a brotherhood among these peoples, including the Albanians.

The Basel Congress also dealt with the ambitions of Austria-Hungary and Italy towards Albania. In this context, the manifesto stated: "The socialists of Austria-Hungary, as well as those of Italy, will pay special attention to the Albanian issue. The Congress recognizes the right of the Albanian people to autonomy, but by this, it does not mean that, under the pretext of autonomy, Albania should be sacrificed to Austro-Hungarian and Italian ambitions. The Congress, therefore, asks the socialists of Austria-Hungary and Italy to fight against any attempts by their governments to include Albania in their sphere of influence." Indeed, the proclamation of Albania's independence was actively defended by the internationalist socialist parties, especially by the revolutionary socialist movement of the Balkan countries, Italy, and Austria-Hungary.

The declaration of independence was a major historical event for the Albanian people. With it came the end of the long period, spanning over four centuries, of Turkish feudal-military domination, which inflicted countless miseries and profound wounds on Albania, keeping the country in a deeply backward state."

With the expulsion of the foreign Turkish rule and the creation of the independent national state that would follow, the Albanian people were presented with vast prospects and a genuine opportunity for rapid development and prosperity. However, these opportunities were not immediately seized, as right after the declaration of independence, Albania suffered other foreign occupations, which further burdened the country and even more broke the national state unity. Moreover, the national-liberation war that led to the expulsion of the Turkish oppressors was not accompanied by a social revolution that would overturn the semi-feudal relations inherited from the Ottoman feudal regime. The feudal lords and large landowners, who stood by the centuries-old occupier until the last days, remained untouched and their large properties were unharmed. The common masses continued to be exploited and suffered from oppression and poverty.

But later on, internal and external circumstances for Albania changed. Inside Albania, the working class grew and strengthened, and later the Albanian Communist Party was formed. On the international scene, with the October Revolution, the powerful Soviet Union emerged. In these new conditions, under the leadership of the Communist Party of Albania, in a fraternal and military alliance with freedom-loving peoples from around the world and with the decisive help of the Soviet Union, the Albanian people, during the war against the Nazi-fascist occupiers, successfully also carried out the popular revolution. With its triumph, not only were the foreign oppressors expelled, but the old exploitative relations were also overthrown, and the popular democratic power was established."

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