Athleta Christi: George Kastrioti Skanderbeg

Elton Varfi

In War Against the Sultan

As soon as the Sultan learned of the Pope's death and the conclusion of the crusade, he decided to attack George Kastrioti at a time when the commander had a collapse of his forces. Ballaban Pasha, an Albanian renegade and expert on the territory, set out with a strong army of 18,000 men with the precise order to defeat George Kastrioti. Ballaban Pasha, the son of a shepherd, had he not been sent as a child to the Turkish court and enlisted among the janissaries, and had he not reached the highest ranks of the army due to his valor, would have served a man he did not consider himself inferior to. Mehmed II was quite sure that Ballaban would do everything to annihilate his most hated compatriot.

From the work: M. Barletius – Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi Epirotarum principis – Rome 1506.

He did not wait for the offensive to defend himself and confront the adversary but, taking advantage of the good season, tried to enter Albania from Macedonia to aim for Kruja. But the obstacles of the terrain and the continuous attacks of the Albanians exhausted his men more than he had foreseen, and in April 1465, in Valikardha near Ohrid, Kastrioti clashed with an already worn-out Turkish army. He attacked the Turks and won, but eight of his best officers, Moisi Dibra, Gino Musacchio, Musacchio d'Angelina, Biagio Giurizza, Giovanni Perlati, Nicola Erisio, Giorgio Cuca, and Gino Maneshi, overestimated their strength. They forgot their leader's precise orders, throwing themselves among the retreating Turkish ranks in an orderly manner, and despite their desperate efforts, they were captured. Ballaban Pasha, having withdrawn to a safe location, refused any ransom for these men and sent them to Mehmed II, knowing that the only reason to rejoice was having captured Skanderbeg's officers. The Sultan, aware of the considerable prize, forgot his army's defeat and, after urging the Albanians for 15 long days to change their faith and banner in vain, had them flayed alive and their corpses thrown to the dogs.

When the Albanians learned of their commanders' miserable end, they mourned by letting their beards grow long and unkempt, while the women exalted the martyrs' virtues with funeral songs. The bells tolled for days, and everyone swore to avenge them in the most terrible manner. At George Kastrioti's command, they crossed into Turkish lands, putting them to fire and sword, leaving death and destruction in their wake. The Battle of Valikardha marked the first episode of this war.

The Sultan, despite the defeat, maintained his confidence in the skill of the Albanian traitor, supplied him with men, and sent him to try his luck again. Ballaban Pasha reappeared in Ohrid, Albania, and, according to Eastern tradition, sent gifts to his enemy. George Kastrioti kept them, returning them with a hoe and a plow tip to remind the other of his peasant origins and to entrust him with the only tools he thought suited those hands. Ballaban Pasha, by corrupting the guards at the Albanian camps in Oranik, attacked the lodgings at dawn, also taking advantage of the leader's absence, who was in Mezzadio in Upper Dibra. But the vigilant Albanian, warned of his enemy's moves, not only managed to return to Oranik in time and position his army for battle but also succeeded in hiding part of his cavalry, pursuing a very cunning plan.

Ballaban Pasha, confident of surprising the soldiers in their sleep, found himself facing an army arrayed for combat, and his surprise turned to terror when he saw himself attacked from behind by a cavalry detachment commanded by George Kastrioti himself. Fortunately, not all the army entrusted to him was employed in the battle, and thanks to further reinforcements, he returned in July for the third time, camping near Sfetigrad. George Kastrioti managed to surround and defeat him again, but he paid a high price for his victory, narrowly escaping death in the fierce fight.

Until that day, no battle had been fought with such ferocity on both sides. Never had so much brutality been seen in slaughtering the wounded and prisoners, and never had George Kastrioti counted so many losses among his men. Mehmed II, taking advantage of the exhaustion shown by the Albanian army, immediately sent Ballaban Pasha back to Albania at the head of 24,000 men, entrusting another 16,000 to another Albanian renegade, Jacup Arnauti, so that one from the direction of Ohrid and the other from that of Berat would engage George Kastrioti. But the latter had foreseen the strategic plan and trap.

The King of Naples, always attentive to the Albanian people, allowed Kastrioti, by sending substantial aid, to strengthen his army so severely tested. Despite the fatigue of his people, relying on the fresh forces under his command, he descended towards Dibra with 12,000 men to attack Ballaban Pasha before the renegade Arnauti forced him to fight another battle on the other front. The victory of the Albanians was complete and triumphant, but without enjoying it for long, George Kastrioti retraced his steps as news reached him that Arnauti was approaching Tirana. He clashed with him in the Plain of Kassari, killing him. The two Turkish captains counted more than 20,000 dead and 6,000 prisoners; the remaining fugitives found the Albanians lying in wait at every pass to slaughter them, and the terrible struggle seemed never to end.

From the work: M. Barletius – Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi Epirotarum principis – Rome 1506.

Pope Paul II, the successor of the late Pope Pius II, showed a practical spirit like all his Venetian compatriots, not exalting the continuous Albanian victories despite not celebrating George Kastrioti as the bulwark of Christianity against the Turk; he saw in him a barrier capable of containing the spread of Islam. But he knew that the Albanian, weaker in terms of men and means if not for valor, needed to be helped and assisted to guarantee the safety of the papacy and all of Christianity. Despite the continuous victories of which the Christian world boasted, attributing part of the merit to him, George Kastrioti once again realized that if the West did not offer him more concrete help instead of just words of gratitude, his fate would be irrevocably sealed. The Turkish colossus reorganized, drawing from everywhere in its formidable empire those ranks of soldiers that the Albanian supremacy used to decimate.

As had happened with Pius II, so now with his successor, despite not denying their help, the various European powers sought to buy time, postponing their financial support with futile pretexts. After six months of futile negotiations, the Pope was very frank in declaring that the governors of the Italian cities, even aware of going against their own interests, were not available to grant any aid that could favor Venice. One day Paul II learned that the King of Hungary, Matthias Corvinus, who, despite good political relations, loved the Albanians very little, without hiding this feeling, renounced the war against the Turk. Then news arrived in Rome that if fully reassured by the Sultan, even Venice would not be opposed to signing peace with the Muslims.

This information, however, was not entirely accurate. In August 1465, the Venetian Senate had written to Giosafatte Barbaro, the provveditore in Albania, to go as soon as possible to the Albanian to inform him that Venice was hastening to build many ships to face the fleet that, according to the news of the moment, the Turk was arming. In February 1466, they had given 5,000 ducats in favor of George Kastrioti to recruit soldiers on the spot for his defense. On March 18 of that year, they announced to Albania the sending of money, bombards, spingarde, and barrels of gunpowder. The Pope always feared that if Venice abandoned the cause, George Kastrioti would be left absolutely alone to fight the Muslims, with the certainty of having to eventually bow to that overpowering force of arms.

The Second Siege of Kruja

Mehmed II, for his part, having victoriously concluded the wars in Caramania, Romania, and Morea, was extremely determined to defeat the Albanian with the same forceful tactics that had made him lord of the Eastern Empire. At the head of a large army, he set out from Monastir for Ohrid. Here part of the troops descended through the Black Drin Valley to Upper Dibra and reached Kruja through the Kismo Valley. The rest of the troops, passing through Elbasan and the Petrella Pass, arrived in Tirana and joined the other contingent under Kruja.

Contrary to what had happened in previous years, this time the Albanian forces did not attempt to stop that march with skirmishes and ambushes. George Kastrioti, tired of previous fights, did not try to confront first one and then the other army but cleverly closed himself in Kruja with the rest of the troops ready for battle. Slightly more than 14,000 men were called to withstand the impact of one of the most formidable armies ever to invade that land. Europe did not realize that this heroic garrison was also defending Christianity against Islam. The city's natural defenses made the fortress impregnable. George Kastrioti, following his old tactic, would suddenly burst among the

Turkish troops, spreading death and panic among them, then return within the solid walls of his capital.

The Sultan could not long resist that insidious guerrilla warfare. After a short time, he left Ballaban Pasha the burden of continuing the siege and set off for the fortress of Chidna in Lower Dibra. Upon reaching Chidna, Mehmed II besieged it. He managed to take it thanks to the betrayal of two Albanians, massacring the entire population of the elderly, women, and children. Then, fearing the harsh season, he returned to Constantinople, spreading destruction in his wake.

From the work: M. Barletius – Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi Epirotarum principis – Rome 1506.

Ragusa sent support to help the Albanian, but Matthias Corvinus refrained from any intervention, joyful that Mehmed II's fury spared Hungary, convinced that Kruja's hours were numbered. Even Piero dei Medici wept over Albania's fate, promising aid that never arrived; the Pope, frantic, pleading, and threatening, asked all European princes to assist the heroic Albanian. Venice was perplexed about the opportunity to fully commit to this war, considering negotiating a peace that would guarantee it in the Adriatic and the East as an alternative.

Meanwhile, George Kastrioti, leaving Kruja to a trusted lieutenant, suddenly appeared at Rome's gates in mid-December 1466.

[...] a large crowd gathered at the house where he was hosted to see with their own eyes the warrior in whom many Christians had placed their hopes. His majestic appearance, the great charm of his person, enthused the plebeians and the patricians, modest priests, and cardinals who welcomed him with honors the city had not seen in a long time[1]. [...]

The Pope immediately convened a secret consistory, declaring himself ready to give as much as he could without harming the church's interests, threatened among other things by the King of Naples, who appeared free from the French danger. George Kastrioti, leaving Rome, carried with him a sword, a helmet, the promise of 5,000 ducats, and many letters that would be sent to European sovereigns to be generous in the aid that the Holy See could not guarantee.

Skanderbeg went from Rome to Naples, where he was welcomed in Castelnuovo by King Ferrante, his loyal friend and ally. Beyond the 1,500 ducats, nothing more could be obtained from the King, especially since the latter foresaw an imminent war against the Pope and therefore could neither strip the kingdom of soldiers nor impoverish the state's meager financial resources. The trip to Italy had not improved the defender of Kruja's conditions at all.

As he approached his capital, Skanderbeg learned that Jonuzi, brother of Ballaban Pasha, along with his son Haidan, were approaching the besieged city to join their fresh forces with those already worn out from months around the fortress. George Kastrioti attacked them, forcing them to flee, capturing Jonuzi and his son. When he arrived in Kruja, he drove the Turks from the outer walls of the fortress, showing Ballaban Pasha the two prisoners in chains from the highest part of the fortress. The latter tried to avenge the affront by ordering another assault on Kruja's walls. But he found himself trapped between the city's defenders on one side and George Kastrioti's men on the other. Ballaban Pasha fell by the hand of George Lleshi, and the army, deprived of its leader, went from attack to flight.

In Constantinople, the Sultan harbored a furious desire to avenge the insult received. After the time strictly necessary for reorganizing the army, Mehmed II moved again towards Albania to restore his reputation as a warrior before the East and the West. This time, the Sultan did not aim directly at Kruja.

Relying on his harsh experience and convinced that the fortress could only fall into his hands due to a lack of supplies, he waited, closing all the routes through which possible reinforcements of men and supplies could arrive. Advancing along the Shkumbin River and leaving very strong garrisons everywhere to eliminate the danger of a rear attack, he occupied Elbasan and fortified the defensive works to use them as a base for operations. He rebuilt the fortress of Valma and headed towards the sea intending to occupy Durres, Lezhe, and all other ports, which constituted a safe place for every supply and supreme salvation for any retreat for Albania.

But in vain, he wore himself and his troops down for two months in the phases of the siege of Durres. The city resisted and would have continued to resist for a long time, so much so that with a quick decision, Mehmed II lifted the siege and moved under Kruja. The attacks launched by Mehmed II were numerous and very bloody. But even this time, despite boasting long experience as a warrior, the attempt to assault the fortress proved futile; he abandoned the siege to return immediately to Constantinople.

Once again, George Kastrioti was the victor. But the Albanian knew he could not definitively seize victory. What he could not know was that this would be his last battle.

Death

After the Sultan's retreat, George Kastrioti realized he had neither the artillery nor the men in sufficient numbers to bring down the fortress of Elbasan and the fortified camp of Valma. He saw that despite Mehmed II's departure, the people were tired, exhausted, and terrified. He understood that the game was slowly but inexorably coming to an end. Then it seemed wise to him to convene the Congress of the Princes in Lezhe to present to them and the Venetian rector the sad reality of the facts and to ask everyone for adequate help.

Just arrived in Lezhe, George Kastrioti fell ill with a fever caused by malaria, confining him to bed. Death, which had spared him in a hundred battles, awaited him at the turn. The disease soon overcame the hero. Dying, he learned that a Turkish contingent, crossing the mountains, was moving on Shkodra. He then tried to win with the ardor of will, asked for his weapons, and mounted his horse. But he fell exhausted and finally defeated. The guard set off to face the enemy without a commander but carried the banner that represented him so that the Turk thought it was still the invincible leader of the Albanians, and at the announcement of that name, fled disorderly from the battlefield.

The death of Skanderbeg. German engraving of the 16th century. Public domain.

The dying Skanderbeg was reached by messengers of victory, coming to offer him one last tribute of comfort. Then he wanted the Albanian Princes and the Venetian rector near him, recommending that they reach an agreement of union that could guarantee their resistance to the Sultan. Then he died. It was January 17, 1468.

When the shadow of death fell on that noble face, a terrible anguish pervaded the family and all the Albanians. Princes, soldiers, and people went to the Cathedral of St. Nicholas, where the defender of the Albanian people was buried, and everyone felt in their hearts the premonition that with that mortal body, the freedom of the homeland also descended into the grave.

The death of George Kastrioti indeed marked the end of Albania. The King of the Albanians did not only fight to defend Albania from the Ottomans, but for 25 years, he shielded and effectively defended Europe from the Islamic danger. To understand what Europe under Ottoman rule could have been, one only needs to refer to the history of Albania in the 500 years following Skanderbeg's death.

[...] [2]The earth has known the weight of the yoke, but the yoke under which the Balkan peoples fell is hard to imagine. It was a rolling similar to that of the titans in hell. A night that lasted hundreds of years and within which entire generations were born and died blind. As if for a sinister equilibrium of things but with opposite poles with the logic of progress, all that ancient splendor was covered by the terror of rulers unprecedented in darkness, ignorance, and backwardness. The psychological trauma suffered by the Balkan peoples is unimaginable. Peoples who imagined their life in three dimensions—the area of death, real life, the celestial sphere—suddenly mutilated themselves of everything sublime and spiritual. This was like losing the sky [...] what happened to the Greek princes with the Persians was repeated 20 centuries later, but this time by all the Balkan princes [3][...] Thus, at first, they made declarations and promises, thinking lightly that they would not keep them. Subsequently, they gave up their names, and with the names, some also gave up their religion. In this madness, the counts, the stubborn Albanian barons who changed their beautiful names Gjergj, Gjon, Pal to Mehmed, Ali and changed the titles of count and duke to pasha and vizier distinguished themselves as if it were a game. But it was precisely that game that made them fall. [...]

Bibliography

"Historia e Skënderbeut," Marin Barleti. Tirana 1968.

"L’Albania ed il Principe Scanderbeg," F. Cuniberti, Roux Frassati e C° Editori, Torino 1898.

"Storia di Scanderbeg," Fan S. Noli, (translated by Francesco Argondizza), Rome 1924.

"Scanderbeg," Alessandro Cutolo, Milan 1940.

Alessandro Cutolo, Scanderbeg, Milan 1940.[1]

[1] Alessandro Cutolo, Scanderbeg, Milan 1940.

[2] Ismail Kadare, Eschilo il gran perdente, Edizioni Controluce.

[3] When Ismail Kadare writes "the Balkan peoples and princes," he is obviously describing the Albanian situation under Turkish rule.