tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3860477140592506702024-03-27T16:00:32.074-07:00Albanian ChroniclesElton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.comBlogger21125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-8726128866191547712024-03-27T16:00:00.001-07:002024-03-27T16:00:00.252-07:00A Tragedy at Sea: The Shipwreck that Shook the Adriatic<h1 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h1><b><h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>Albanian Chronicles Diary</b></h1></b><h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>March 28, 1997</b></h1><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">In the spring of 1997, the placid Adriatic Sea suddenly became the scene of a tragedy that would remain indelible in the collective memory of both Europeans and Albanians. A modest ship, laden with the hopes and dreams of those seeking a better life across the border in Italy, was tragically involved in a collision with a naval vessel. The incident not only brought an abrupt end to the voyage, but also to the lives of many people, and raised critical questions about immigration management and maritime safety.</span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGdsTw9B-eW6oEd4PcPl1PDTFkyhId8og1s57JraSx3nvTwa0t34tbriWElAAHJrgYPVVEAdpe1Q09xyw_n0tNsP50ae0f4yk-DOVrqRHwwVfuarX81YwiFozUH4jNPeV4EfyGQnHBkH5fGLfUbMNb4V3PYYy1VABLT-nYRsP3pJe01IFyYHBU0hUfFU4/s1024/jpg.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="681" data-original-width="1024" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGdsTw9B-eW6oEd4PcPl1PDTFkyhId8og1s57JraSx3nvTwa0t34tbriWElAAHJrgYPVVEAdpe1Q09xyw_n0tNsP50ae0f4yk-DOVrqRHwwVfuarX81YwiFozUH4jNPeV4EfyGQnHBkH5fGLfUbMNb4V3PYYy1VABLT-nYRsP3pJe01IFyYHBU0hUfFU4/w400-h266/jpg.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">The incident, which took place in the spring of that year, marked a turning point that shook the foundations of public perceptions of migration and the safety of maritime routes. Waters that normally evoke tranquillity and serenity were suddenly transformed into an arena of despair and tragedy. As the sun illuminated the waves, the fate of t life collided with the harshness of circumstances.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">The ship, a symbol of hope for those on board, became a silent monument to innocence lost. Families anxiously awaiting news of their loved ones were thrown into an abyss of uncertainty and grief. The lure of the promised land became a shattered illusion as the turbulent currents of life swept away the secrets hidden in the abyss.</span></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">The impact of this tragedy was not limited to the individual lives lost, but spread like a shockwave through local, national and international communities. Unanswered questions crowded into the minds of those seeking justice and meaning in an increasingly complex and inscrutable world. The spring of 1997 remained etched in the hearts of all those touched by this terrible event, a constant reminder of the fragility and tragedy that lurk behind the seemingly placid waves of the Adriatic.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">The event is marked by intense drama, heightened by the immense ambitions of those travellers, driven by desperation and the desire for a better future, who relied on the vast sea. The clash between the fragile boat and the powerful military vessel becomes a symbol of the difficulties of illegal immigration, highlighting the challenges and dangers of crossing the Mediterranean in search of refuge.</span></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">In the face of this catastrophe, the international community is forced to reflect on its position regarding migration policies and the need to ensure safer routes for those forced to flee their lands. The tragedy highlights the urgency of finding humanitarian solutions that can prevent future loss of life at sea, while underscoring the complexity of migration dynamics in the Mediterranean Sea.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">It raises fundamental questions about the role and responsibilities of states in protecting the human rights of migrants and addressing the challenges of migration on a global scale. The collision between the small boat and the massive military vessel thus becomes a catalyst for a broader debate on maritime security and the humanity of migration policies.</span></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">The sinking of the small boat was not just an isolated incident, but became an emblematic case that sparked an ongoing debate on human rights, the reception of refugees and the importance of solidarity beyond national borders. This tragedy reaffirmed the urgent need for European nations to adopt a more inclusive and compassionate approach to those who, fleeing poverty, war or persecution, seek safety and dignity on Italian shores.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">The event catalyzed international public attention, becoming a powerful beacon that illuminated the desperate conditions that drive individuals and families to embark on perilous journeys at sea. The impact of this tragedy on public debate and migration policy was immediate and profound, stimulating critical reflection on the responsibilities of nations in the face of similar humanitarian crises.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">Authorities, faced with the magnitude of this disaster, were forced to review their policies, trying to balance national security with the humanitarian imperative to protect the most vulnerable. A heated debate ensued on how to manage immigration fairly and safely, but without forgetting the core values of compassion and solidarity that should guide the response to situations of extreme need.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">Indeed, this sad episode brought global attention to the humanitarian and legal challenges posed by illegal immigration, calling for shared responsibility in protecting the most vulnerable. It raised thorny questions about how societies can and should respond to the suffering of those who, driven by desperation, rely on the sea to escape unsustainable living conditions.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">The memory of this tragedy remains etched as a symbol of the intricate dynamics that characterize immigration in the Mediterranean, calling upon the collective conscience not to forget the lives lost in the search for safety and dignity. The lessons from this painful experience call for a universal appeal for an ethic of care and respect for human rights, emphasizing the importance of building bridges of solidarity rather than erecting walls of indifference.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;">In thinking back to the tragic story of the Katër i Radës through the words of Benedict XVI, a profound reflection on the phenomenon of immigration emerges. In 2012, a few months before leaving his papal role, Benedict XVI spoke of emigration as a "pilgrimage of faith and hope" that too often turns into tragedy. He stressed the importance of the "right not to emigrate," meaning the need for people to be able to remain in their own land without being forced into migration as the only way to a better life. This approach incites reflection on the root causes of migration crises, often linked to misguided policies or neo-colonial interventions, and the importance of working for a world in which every individual can live with dignity in his or her own country.</span></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-69558604771964436512024-03-06T15:00:00.000-08:002024-03-06T15:00:00.137-08:007 March: A Day of Historical Significance for Albania<div style="text-align: justify;"><i><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">7 March stands as a date of profound resonance in the rich tapestry of Albanian history, witnessing events that have shaped the course of its destiny. On this day, two significant moments are woven into the fabric of Albanian history, each marking a turning point in the struggle for education and independence. On the one hand, the opening of Albania's first national school, a symbol of cultural rebirth and affirmation of Albanian identity; on the other, the arrival of a European royal figure, destined to rule, albeit briefly, over the fortunes of a country in search of stability and recognition. This post aims to explore and celebrate the importance of these events, reflecting on their lasting impact on Albania.</span></i></div><h1 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><b><i>Mësonjëtorja</i> of Korça: The Dawn of Albanian Education</b></span></h1><h1 style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><b>Albanian Chronicles Diary<br /></b></span><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><b>7 March 1887</b></span></h1><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">7 March 1887 marked a fundamental chapter in the educational history of Albania with the opening of the first Albanian national school in Korçë, an event that symbolised resistance and cultural rebirth in a period characterised by the rule of the Ottoman Empire. This educational initiative not only marked the beginning of a path towards cultural self-determination, but also represented an important step forward in the struggle for the preservation of Albanian identity.</span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0xFiMrCbgx2ohTi4uqUEIyBZcKbNV4XamSIWZLDiNwWugp5GbroMKSRRFC__ui5aBSYw2XxHzs9304CYaEKjvQa44C3r9DU79CZTmTKa2QTZEYQtNdYTwj4vF64wtFLsYEsbCnIx2VGO7KrlP9atPH4GXb2jQ3ppNmVv16SYjLq10XdZy6yzaFUu1P6s/s469/01.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="294" data-original-width="469" height="251" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0xFiMrCbgx2ohTi4uqUEIyBZcKbNV4XamSIWZLDiNwWugp5GbroMKSRRFC__ui5aBSYw2XxHzs9304CYaEKjvQa44C3r9DU79CZTmTKa2QTZEYQtNdYTwj4vF64wtFLsYEsbCnIx2VGO7KrlP9atPH4GXb2jQ3ppNmVv16SYjLq10XdZy6yzaFUu1P6s/w400-h251/01.JPG" width="400" /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The foundation of this school was a direct reflection of the aspirations of the Albanian National Movement, which aimed at the assertion of national rights within the empire. The Mësonjëtorja quickly became a centre of enlightenment, offering an education that combined learning the Albanian language with patriotic values, at a time when Albanian cultural expression was severely restricted.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The day of its opening is today celebrated as Teacher's Day in Albania, highlighting the lasting impact of this event on Albanian education and society.</span></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><span style="font-size: large;">The realisation of this school was possible thanks to the work and dedication of key figures of the Albanian Renaissance, including Naim Frashëri and his brother Sami, who managed to obtain permission for the opening of an Albanian school in Korçë from Sultan Abdylhamid II. Financial support came not </span><span style="font-size: large;">only from the Albanian diaspora in Romania, but also from the Albanian community in Istanbul, who saw in Pandeli Sotiri the ideal figure to head the new institution.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">Located in a building donated by Diamant Terpo, the school inaugurated its educational activities by welcoming students from all social classes, offering courses ranging from Albanian language and literature to history, geography and science. This inclusive and democratic approach to education reflected the progressive vision of its founders.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">Despite restrictions imposed by the Ottoman government, which restricted education in the Albanian language, the school remained open for several years, becoming a symbol of cultural tenacity and resistance. Even after its temporary closure, the school reopened its doors, continuing to educate future generations and spread Albanian culture and language.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The contribution of this institution to education in Albania was immense, paving the way for the emergence of a national consciousness and a strong sense of cultural identity among Albanians. The dedication of its teachers and supporters, who worked tirelessly to provide educational resources and promote education in a difficult context, was crucial to the success of Mësonjëtorja.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">In memory of its significant contribution to Albanian education and culture, 7 March remains a day of celebration and reflection, a tribute to the determination of a people to preserve and promote their cultural heritage against all odds.</span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><h1 style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><b>The Choice of a King: William of Wied and Albania</b></span></h1><h1 style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><b>Albanian Chronicles Diary<br /></b><b>7 March 1914</b></span></h1><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">29 July 1913 marked a crucial moment in the history of Albania, when the Conference of Ambassadors in London decided that Albania would be recognised as an autonomous, sovereign and hereditary principality. This decision was made under the guarantee of the six Powers, which would be responsible for designating the Prince who would lead the new state. The territorial and political scheme that would characterise Albania was also outlined, marking the beginning of a path towards self-determination and national sovereignty. This event was not only a turning point for the Albanian people but also represented a significant example of international diplomacy of the time, highlighting the role of European powers in redefining borders and influencing the fate of small Balkan states.</span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh5_NRPmMBn5EL-c0ETbi1_G1PIZ8BonwfhYTGevLHrFyOZ-uIjA_OYfGaM5YLLoIXuqKcVxO8HanWDwjzJAAb32cykCm0wTBNM23QDOBx2XneGNtGpcxHOEf9bWwZbsL-EwEm0hod4wIJop_FhwhIzTm9f4g4auvj8MHinEbbvC43ssyuswQV7X_9x7yg/s320/3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="320" data-original-width="237" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh5_NRPmMBn5EL-c0ETbi1_G1PIZ8BonwfhYTGevLHrFyOZ-uIjA_OYfGaM5YLLoIXuqKcVxO8HanWDwjzJAAb32cykCm0wTBNM23QDOBx2XneGNtGpcxHOEf9bWwZbsL-EwEm0hod4wIJop_FhwhIzTm9f4g4auvj8MHinEbbvC43ssyuswQV7X_9x7yg/w296-h400/3.jpg" width="296" /></a></div><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">Following the decision, it was decided that the Prince of Albania would be appointed within six months. In the meantime, the existing local authorities and the gendarmerie would remain operational under the supervision of an international commission. This transitional phase also stipulated that security and public order would be guaranteed by an international gendarmerie organisation, headed by foreign officers in charge of high and effective command. The presence of foreign instructors was intended to ensure uniformity of service without prejudice to the use of local personnel, including officers, non-commissioned officers and gendarmes. The salaries of this corps were to be financed from the internal resources of the country, with the financial guarantee of the Powers.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">28 November 1913 represented a significant moment in the young history of independent Albania. On that very day, in the context of celebrating the first anniversary of its declaration of independence, the great European powers decided to officially announce their choice for the leadership of the Albanian principality. The figure selected to fill the role of prince was Wilhelm of Wied, a member of a distinguished noble family from Rhine Prussia. This character had considerable ties to European courts, being a nephew of the Queen of Romania and consort of a princess belonging to the House of Schönburg-Waldenburg.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The choice of a prince of the Protestant faith to rule Albania was not accidental, but reflected a well-thought-out strategy by the European powers. This decision was an attempt to introduce an element of guarantee and balance in a territory where the population was divided between different religions and confessions. The idea was that the prince's religious neutrality could act as a catalyst for the unification of the country, as well as representing a bridge between Albania and the western powers.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">On 28 February 1914, the formal ceremony of offering the Albanian crown took place in Neuwied Castle, the family residence of Wilhelm of Wied. This event was not just a formality but symbolised the link between European nobility and the destiny of a nation seeking to assert its sovereignty and identity in the international context. With this ceremony, Albania was about to embark on a new chapter in its history, under the leadership of a figure who, although alien to local dynamics, was seen as the bearer of stability and progress.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">On 7 March 1914, Wilhelm Frederick Henry of Wied, a man at the height of his maturity and chosen by the great powers to sit on the throne of Albania, stepped onto Albanian soil for the first time in the port of Durrës. His regency would be brief, limited to only six months, but that arrival marked the beginning of a distinct chapter in Albanian history, destined to be told in a different context.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The historical moments we have explored, both of which fell under the auspices of 7 March, represent more than mere notes on a calendar; they are living symbols of the aspirations and changes of an entire nation. The inauguration of the Mësonjëtorja in Korçë lit a torch of knowledge in an age of obscurantism, laying the foundations for modern education in Albania and celebrating Albanian language and culture as never before. Likewise, the arrival of William of Wied symbolised the search for a new political direction, a brief but intense episode that left an indelible mark on the country's history. Together, these events reflect the resilience and determination of Albanians to build a better future, reminding us of the importance of honouring the past as we venture towards new horizons. In remembering 7 March, we celebrate not only education and governance, but the indomitable spirit of a people that has always been able to find the light even in the darkest of times. We now invite our readers to reflect on these chapters of Albanian history and share their perceptions on their legacy and impact on Albania today.</span></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div></div></div><div><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><b></b></span></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-43569770557335259952024-03-01T15:00:00.000-08:002024-03-01T15:00:00.155-08:00Analysis of the League of Lezhë in the Albanian Resistance to the Ottomans<h1 style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: Garamond;"> <span style="text-align: center;">Albanian Chronicles Diary</span></span></b></h1><div><h3 style="text-align: center;"></h3><h1 style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Garamond;"><b>2 March 1444</b></span></h1><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Garamond",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: Garamond;">Historical Context and Background of the Resistance</span></b></h3><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
</p><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">At the beginning of the 15th century, Albania was at a crucial historical crossroads, caught in the grip of the Ottoman Empire's inexorable advance. It was an era dense with conflict, in which the entire social fabric was imbued with a palpable uncertainty, a period in which the figure of George Kastrioti, universally known as Skënderbeu, emerged powerfully. This distinguished Albanian nobleman, whose destiny seemed ineluctably intertwined with the very essence of national resistance, would leave an indelible mark on the history of his country. Endowed with exceptional leadership skills and a clear and penetrating strategic vision, Skënderbeu became the fulcrum around which the formation of the League of Lezhë would be articulated in 1444. This alliance, forged with meticulous care among the Albanian princes, aimed to consolidate a common front of resistance, orchestrating a united and organised opposition against Ottoman expansionist ambitions. His leadership, characterised by iron determination and unparalleled strategic wisdom, was instrumental in rallying the diverse Albanian forces under a single banner, marking the beginning of a new era of organised resistance that would instil courage and inspiration for decades to come.</span></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhh6FbsAo1lcyxQ3T_NqHbETspDpb2h2qUutXpaNEWR6Esj0FXS-O__L93JNA4G9KN7Rp8k2bF6R7KMVaY9TG7opg_G2y5M5hUbYst4SSxXPmu-lM5UmJe22g3wHSrXaZQSK94BRAzsKLxIHVhyB4XmbytmU_MHqJFWmFEb_Y5JiZ_J8Ph4inHalF8VXd4/s747/01-1.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="599" data-original-width="747" height="321" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhh6FbsAo1lcyxQ3T_NqHbETspDpb2h2qUutXpaNEWR6Esj0FXS-O__L93JNA4G9KN7Rp8k2bF6R7KMVaY9TG7opg_G2y5M5hUbYst4SSxXPmu-lM5UmJe22g3wHSrXaZQSK94BRAzsKLxIHVhyB4XmbytmU_MHqJFWmFEb_Y5JiZ_J8Ph4inHalF8VXd4/w400-h321/01-1.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div><h3><b><span style="font-family: Garamond;">The Formation of the League of Lezhë</span></b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The formation of the League of Lezhë, which took place in the city of the same name, also known as Alexis, represented a crucial episode in the historical fabric of Albania. The 2nd of March 1444 was a date of historical significance, when nobles and princes from all corners of the country gathered, led by Skënderbeu, with a common goal: to join forces in a solid coalition to oppose the oppressive advance of the Ottoman Empire. This historic assembly was attended by eminent figures of the Albanian aristocracy, including representatives of such prestigious lineages as the Arianites, the Balsha, the Muzaka, the Spani, the Zaharia and the Thopia. The event, permeated by an unprecedented spirit of cooperation and solidarity, marked the beginning of a structured resistance movement and the building of a united Albanian front. This convention not only cemented the collective commitment to the defence of Albanian autonomy and national identity, but also laid the foundations for an era of coordinated resistance, symbolising the indomitable will of a people to preserve their sovereignty and freedom in the face of a dominant external threat.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><h3><b><span style="font-family: Garamond;">Objectives and Structure of the League</span></b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The League of Lezhë transcended the mere dimension of a military alliance, rising to the status of a true political pact, aimed at safeguarding the autonomy of the Albanian territories and effective resistance against Ottoman expansion. This pact was deeply rooted in the aspiration to protect the autonomy of the Albanian territories and to resolutely oppose the aggressive expansion of the Ottoman Empire. At the heart of this union, the figure of Skënderbeu emerged powerfully, unanimously acclaimed as the supreme commander of the Albanian forces. This recognition only emphasised the undisputed authority he enjoyed, enshrining the central and decisive role he played in the process of national emancipation. The League's aims were far-reaching: it aimed at the coordinated management of war operations, the rationalisation of the allocation of resources and the creation of a homogeneous strategy for the preservation and defence of Albanian territory. The adoption of this collective and concordant perspective outlined the contours of a carefully articulated strategic framework, the ultimate goal of which was to strengthen the Albanian resistance, forging a united and implacable front.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><h3><b><span style="font-family: Garamond;">Military Innovations and Strategies</span></b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">Under the aegis of a leadership as visionary as it was determined embodied by Skënderbeu, the League of Lezhë embarked on a course of significant military transformations, adopting the organisation of a regular army and the introduction of highly advanced combat methodologies. These reforms resulted in a significant increase in the war efficiency of the Albanian troops, paving the way for significant successes against the Ottoman forces. Endowed with an unparalleled strategic capacity, Skënderbeu masterfully integrated the insidious techniques of guerrilla warfare with the explicit dynamics of open-field battles, drawing on his profound knowledge of the terrain and the incredible versatility of his units. This strategic manoeuvre proved crucial in bringing about heavy setbacks for the adversary, thus highlighting the indisputable tactical superiority of the Albanian forces, skilfully orchestrated under Skënderbeu's enlightened leadership.</span></div><div><h3><b><span style="font-family: Garamond;">The Legacy of the League of Lezhë</span></b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;">The League of Lezhë stands as a fundamental and inescapable chapter in Albania's historical narrative, marking the beginning of an era of unified resistance that would resonate through future generations. The establishment of this historic pact not only inaugurated a long series of confrontations against Ottoman hegemony, but also formed the basis for the development of a feeling of national cohesion and the crystallisation of a deeply rooted Albanian identity. Skënderbeu's indomitable heroism, together with the crucial role he played as a catalyst for Albanian resistance, has stamped an indelible mark on the nation's collective memory, consecrating him as an immortal emblem of courage and absolute dedication to the cause of freedom. His figure, the embodiment of daring and an unbreakable will to resist oppression, continues to inspire admiration and respect. He represents a beacon of hope and an example of military and moral virtue for all Albanians, embodying the very essence of the struggle for freedom and independence.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><i>In conclusion, the League of Lezhë represents not only a decisive chapter in the history of Albania but also an example of how vision, leadership and unity can transform the course of a people's history. Its legacy continues to be a source of inspiration and a fundamental reference point in Albanian national identity.</i></span></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div></div></div><span style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: x-large;"></span></div></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-44737864388997378972024-02-19T15:00:00.000-08:002024-02-19T15:00:00.133-08:00The fall of a symbol: the statue of Enver Hoxha torn down<h1 style="text-align: center;">Albanian Chronicles Diary</h1><div><h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>20 February 1991</b></h1><h4 style="text-align: center;"><br /></h4><b><h4 style="text-align: center;"><b>A day that made history</b></h4></b></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>20 February 1991 marked a turning point for Albania: in Tirana, the beating heart of the nation, a crowd of citizens, moved by an impulse for freedom, tore down the statue of Enver Hoxha. This gesture shattered the symbolism of a communist regime that had oppressed the country for decades under Hoxha's iron leadership. On that day, Albania embarked on a path towards democracy, freeing itself from the shackles of an authoritarian past.</i></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5S7_9dlYa7i48gfqydNo6G1N_Yvyjaa0nPjFimW0M15deS0bI3ijhJfQ8HDCKcHIgMlmwyWKER5NmY2-a8qOO-vvp6QBjVKrlxGzGEVnAdS1mSpWGdTeCUlNkeFO8-9kNlYPiDADT6yA8UiaZwxMbXu3PjDj439MxXzoabwhxgnF5rOmfC1Pdeuc1aWE/s986/02.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="820" data-original-width="986" height="333" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5S7_9dlYa7i48gfqydNo6G1N_Yvyjaa0nPjFimW0M15deS0bI3ijhJfQ8HDCKcHIgMlmwyWKER5NmY2-a8qOO-vvp6QBjVKrlxGzGEVnAdS1mSpWGdTeCUlNkeFO8-9kNlYPiDADT6yA8UiaZwxMbXu3PjDj439MxXzoabwhxgnF5rOmfC1Pdeuc1aWE/w400-h333/02.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The scene of that day remains a powerful memory: a multitude of people, united by hope for a better future, brought down not only a bronze monolith but also the weight of an era of suppression. The event was not only the physical end of a symbol, but the symbolic beginning of a national rebirth, the announcement of a new dawn characterised by the quest for freedom and justice.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">20 February 1991 is not just the date of the fall of a statue, but the day when Albania broke the chains of silence, rediscovering the voice of freedom. This moment marked the starting point for a future under the banner of democracy, where the desire for freedom overcomes the shadows of the past, illuminating the path to justice and hope.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<h4 style="text-align: center;">A repressive regime</h4><div style="text-align: justify;">Under the regime of Enver Hoxha, Albania experienced an era of unprecedented oppression. Freedom of speech, worship and movement were severely restricted, with dissent punished severely, through imprisonment, torture and sometimes death. Albania found itself isolated, shrouded in a climate of fear and suspicion, where every aspect of daily life was under the control of the regime. This dark period is remembered as an era of terror, where the mere expression of a thought could become an act of defiance with devastating consequences.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h4 style="text-align: center;"><b>The spark of revolt</b></h4><div style="text-align: justify;">Towards the end of the 1980s, the wind of change began to blow through Albania, bringing with it the first signs of popular discontent against Hoxha's rigid regime. It was in Shkodra that this sentiment found its first tangible expression: the population, fed up with the restrictions imposed on their freedom, took to the streets demanding the demolition of the statue of Stalin, a symbol of the communist oppression they had endured for too long.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This gesture of defiance in Shkodra lit a spark that quickly spread throughout the country, turning into a fire of protest. Encouraged by the example of courage shown in Shkodra, people began to gather in other cities as well, expressing their desire for change. These protests were not simply directed against statues or symbols of the regime, but represented a deeper demand for reform, for freedom, for a future in which Albanians could live without the burden of fear and repression.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Fuelled by hope and the growing realisation that another life was possible, these demonstrations marked the beginning of a new era for Albania. The courage of those who participated in those first protests proved that even the strictest of regimes can be shaken to its foundations when citizens, united by a common desire for freedom, decide to raise their voices against oppression.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<h4 style="text-align: center;"><b>The fall of the statue</b></h4><div style="text-align: justify;">20 February 1991 will forever be etched in the history of Albania as the day on which the most tangible symbol of communist tyranny was overthrown. On that date, a large street demonstration in Tirana, initially peaceful, turned into a meaningful uprising. The demonstrators, driven by an irrepressible thirst for justice and freedom, armed themselves with stones and clubs and turned their anger against the statue of Enver Hoxha, the oppressor who had dominated their existence for decades.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With determination and courage, they tore down the statue, a symbol of the authoritarianism that had suffocated the country, and dragged it in pieces through the streets of Tirana, in an act of collective catharsis. The destruction of this monolith was not only a physical gesture of rebellion, but a powerful symbolic act marking the end of the communist era in Albania. The fall of Hoxha's statue was experienced by the Albanian people as a moment of great joy and liberation, a signal that the chains of oppression could be broken and that a new chapter of history was about to be written.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The irrepressible joy that pervaded the streets of Tirana that day reflected the deep desire for change that had roots far deeper than the surface of those demonstrations. The destruction of Hoxha's statue was not just the demolition of a piece of bronze, but the demolition of an entire repressive system that had restricted the lives of Albanian citizens for too long. In that gesture of revolt, the whole of Albania found hope in a future of freedom, democracy and progress.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgajgcFJzp5p97BLUjQ1nAeKmQ48bGMQT-tZrD624-G8Jsbz60sDMKJ0wlGRVBGaSpcZIXPrvE_jphyphenhyphen9hdyBWVeKMS3lozm6BriVw-y7xE1hsr-naJW-mqt0HYmGP0AZrnKLLrM4ZBqHkH0j2JnDpXlse8zocejbCCF82d20xdBLrY8czuDUgvHtpCYM1A/s495/Statua_02.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="306" data-original-width="495" height="248" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgajgcFJzp5p97BLUjQ1nAeKmQ48bGMQT-tZrD624-G8Jsbz60sDMKJ0wlGRVBGaSpcZIXPrvE_jphyphenhyphen9hdyBWVeKMS3lozm6BriVw-y7xE1hsr-naJW-mqt0HYmGP0AZrnKLLrM4ZBqHkH0j2JnDpXlse8zocejbCCF82d20xdBLrY8czuDUgvHtpCYM1A/w400-h248/Statua_02.JPG" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div>
<h4 style="text-align: center;"><b>The beginning of a new era</b></h4><div style="text-align: justify;">The fall of the Hoxha regime marked a decisive turning point for Albania, ushering in an era of transition to democracy. This fundamental change set the country on a path of political and social reform, characterised by the introduction of a multi-party system and the holding of free elections. For the first time after decades of oppression, Albanians enjoyed fundamental freedoms of expression, religion and movement, witnessing the dawn of a period of national rebirth.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h4 style="text-align: center;"><b>The challenges of the future</b></h4><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania's transition to a democratic system proved to be a tortuous and complex path. The long legacy of international isolation and the oppressive policies of the communist regime had left the country facing huge economic and social challenges. Despite these difficulties, the Albanian people showed extraordinary resilience.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With great tenacity and determination, the Albanians have embarked on the difficult path of rebuilding the nation's social and economic fabric, demonstrating an unwavering commitment to achieving stability, prosperity and respect for human rights. The road to the future remains strewn with obstacles, but the collective will to overcome adversity and build a better future testifies to the strength of spirit of a people that has already crossed and overcome the darkness of an oppressive past.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h4 style="text-align: center;"><b>The memory of the past</b></h4><div style="text-align: justify;">The destruction of the statue of Enver Hoxha not only represents a crucial moment in the history of Albania; it embodies a powerful and indelible symbol of the Albanian people's struggle for freedom and democracy. This gesture of rebellion against oppression has become a perennial warning against the dangers of tyranny, reminding everyone of the price of freedom and the importance of defending it vigorously.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The fall of that monument serves as a constant reminder of Albania's long journey towards liberation from the authoritarian yoke and marks the nation's commitment not to forget the lessons of the past. Reflected in this symbol of resistance is the call to keep alive the memory of the suffering endured under Hoxha's regime, as an indispensable foundation for building a future founded on the principles of justice, equality and respect for human rights.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<h4 style="text-align: center;"><b>Conclusion</b></h4><div style="text-align: justify;">20 February 1991 represents an unforgettable day for Albania and its people, a moment of profound rupture with the past and a start towards new horizons. The destruction of the statue of Enver Hoxha not only marked the physical end of a symbol of the regime, but represented the end of an era of oppression and the awakening of a collective desire for freedom, justice and progress.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today, years after that historic day, Albania stands as a renewed nation, proud of its journey towards democracy and self-determination. The future is full of challenges but also immense opportunities. The memory of that 20 February serves as a foundation and inspiration to continue building a society based on the values of freedom, equality and respect for human rights, so that future generations may inherit an increasingly free, just and prosperous country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>We thank you for following the Albanian Chronicle Diary. The story of the fall of Enver Hoxha's statue reminds us of the importance of fighting for freedom and democracy. Albania's history is full of dramatic events and moments of great hope. Please continue to follow us as we explore together the pages of this fascinating country's past and present.</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>See you anon!</i></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b>Follow the 'Albanian Chronicles' blog on social media:</b></p><div><b>Facebook, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/cronachealbanesi?igsh=ODA1NTc5OTg5Nw==" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instagram</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/rypo77" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">YouTube</a>, and <a href="https://x.com/EnigmaLibro?t=kZ_Uf4Svsq9zv8ueUK9X5A&s=09" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">X</a></b></div><div><b>Stay up-to-date on new articles, interesting stories, and more!</b></div></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-60909630251260054272024-02-16T15:00:00.000-08:002024-02-16T15:00:00.514-08:00Kosovo Independence Day: A Long Journey Towards Freedom<h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>Albanian Chronicles Diary</b><b><br /></b><b><br /></b></h1><h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>February 17, 2008</b></h1>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><i>The roots of Kosovo's tortuous path to independence delve deep into the intricate weave of Balkan history, an entanglement of events that traces its beginnings to the late 19th century.</i></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgH011q90zfVNPHF42yHl8M4ft98f8_QXv6yhYZFZBt_0uVosMlAfIwiYXc6IZd3XuXidImafHUgx0Eqc661uaOBYRc1kGy-ubU9mv6YiCrjWAryOAUiotaGaeX3_c7rd-9L1yybw4SOIxkgUft3b5nMfCU1J5sxMmnM0JAzLTrMHC5yKP_SWyhWaZGKQ4/s561/Cattura.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="561" height="214" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgH011q90zfVNPHF42yHl8M4ft98f8_QXv6yhYZFZBt_0uVosMlAfIwiYXc6IZd3XuXidImafHUgx0Eqc661uaOBYRc1kGy-ubU9mv6YiCrjWAryOAUiotaGaeX3_c7rd-9L1yybw4SOIxkgUft3b5nMfCU1J5sxMmnM0JAzLTrMHC5yKP_SWyhWaZGKQ4/w400-h214/Cattura.JPG" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Congress of Berlin in 1878 marked a turning point in the geopolitical reconfiguration of Southeast Europe, setting the stage for further territorial losses of the Albanian populations, particularly in the regions of Plav and Gusinje, which were attributed to Montenegro. This rearrangement not only changed national borders but also deeply influenced the identity and socio-political dynamics of the Albanian communities involved. Kosovo, although not directly subject to the decisions at the Congress, found itself at the center of further territorial disputes, culminating in its annexation to the Kingdom of Serbia after the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913. These events, spurred by the decisions of the Congress of Berlin, highlight the complexity of national and territorial issues in the Balkans, reflecting on the interplay between international political decisions and local aspirations for self-determination.This decision was made despite the majority of Kosovo's population being Albanian, thus laying the groundwork for a bitter division that would fuel tensions and conflicts for generations to come. Throughout the 20th century, Kosovo's fate was marked by a series of foreign dominations: first under the Austro-Hungarian Empire, then as part of the Yugoslav Federation, and finally under direct Serbian control. During these periods of political and social change, the Albanian population of Kosovo found itself constantly marginalized and discriminated against, with limited rights and increasingly restricted freedom. The years of the Belgrade regime marked a particularly dark period for Kosovo. The aggressive and oppressive policy of Slobodan Milošević towards the Kosovar Albanians led to acts of ethnic cleansing, with the intent of erasing the Albanian identity from the region. These brutal actions only fueled the determination of the Kosovar people in their struggle for their rights and the recognition of their identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The fight for Kosovo's independence was thus the result of a long history of oppression and conflicts, rooted in the territorial divisions imposed at the end of the 19th century and exacerbated by the discriminatory and violent policies of the following century. The declaration of independence on February 17, 2008, therefore represented not just a historic milestone for the Kosovar people, but also the beginning of a new chapter in their long and arduous quest for freedom and justice. A journey towards self-determination that, despite its difficulties and complexities, bears witness to the resilience and strength of a people who have managed to resist and fight for the recognition of their sovereignty and identity.</div>
<h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Kosovo War and NATO's Intervention</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">The Kosovo War of 1999, which lasted for 78 days and claimed thousands of lives, marked a painful chapter in the history of the Kosovar people. This bloody conflict not only inflicted deep wounds on the social fabric and collective memory of the nation but also catalyzed international attention, culminating in NATO's military intervention. This action was undertaken with the intent to stop Serbian aggression and the ethnic cleansing policies implemented by Slobodan Milošević's regime, which had oppressed the Albanian population of Kosovo for too long.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">NATO's intervention, although a source of controversy and debate, represented a beacon of hope for many Kosovars, a signal that the world was not turning its back on their suffering and struggle for freedom. The decision to act was driven by the necessity to prevent further atrocities and to restore a sense of justice in a region long marked by ethnic conflicts and human rights violations.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The fall of Milošević's regime, which followed NATO's military campaign, paved the way for a new chapter in Kosovo. Although the war left behind a landscape of ruins and a deep sense of loss, it also marked the beginning of a process of reconstruction and renewal. The international community mobilized to assist Kosovo in its transition towards stabilization, laying the groundwork for the establishment of democratic institutions and the promotion of peaceful coexistence among different ethnic communities.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This transition period was not without its challenges. The need to reconcile social fractures, promote interethnic dialogue, and rebuild an economic and infrastructural fabric devastated by the war required time, patience, and a continuous commitment from all involved parties, both local and international.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Kosovo War, with all its tragedies and lessons, remains a vivid memory in the consciousness of the Kosovar people. The fight for independence, cemented by years of resistance and sacrifice, ultimately culminated in the historic declaration on February 17, 2008, when Kosovo proclaimed its sovereignty. This act was not only a symbol of victory over repression and injustice but also the manifestation of a profound desire for peace, prosperity, and progress for the future generations of Kosovo.</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_PVwMYfE0whm936M35rvdrL7YUhbVMaeEVPr4eUqKV4Ec6zcRVuTy-1TYPPdW1lQ8TH-8Hp3lrMDp0HkS4O47Ti4BfZUzUiCxOjMiePrzxuk9ptnoXaR-rXY0s3i1JKVlSWLByIBSQtDI67XYzG7qQ5bxuTMa080-V_K6AJbk84UVipTxZfdXzoFO-Hc/s3648/Statue_of_KLA_Guerrilla_Fighter_-_Prizren_-_Kosovo.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="3648" data-original-width="2736" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_PVwMYfE0whm936M35rvdrL7YUhbVMaeEVPr4eUqKV4Ec6zcRVuTy-1TYPPdW1lQ8TH-8Hp3lrMDp0HkS4O47Ti4BfZUzUiCxOjMiePrzxuk9ptnoXaR-rXY0s3i1JKVlSWLByIBSQtDI67XYzG7qQ5bxuTMa080-V_K6AJbk84UVipTxZfdXzoFO-Hc/w300-h400/Statue_of_KLA_Guerrilla_Fighter_-_Prizren_-_Kosovo.jpg" width="300" /></a></div></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>Kosovo's Independence</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">In 2008, Kosovo's tortuous journey towards self-determination reached a historic milestone: the declaration of independence. This moment, laden with meaning and hope, was celebrated with an outpouring of joy throughout the country, marking the beginning of a new era for the Kosovar people. After years of conflict, suffering, and aspirations for freedom, Kosovo was finally able to proclaim itself a sovereign nation, paving the way for the construction of a future written with its own hands.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The recognition by 101 UN member states, including Italy, lent even greater weight and significance to the declaration of independence on the international stage. Such support represented not only a legitimization of Kosovo's sovereignty but also a signal of encouragement for the country in its path of democratic consolidation and integration into the international community.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the road to full recognition and stability remains dotted with challenges. The issue of international recognition, with some countries still reluctant to accept Kosovo's independence, highlights the complexity of geopolitical dynamics and residual tensions in the Balkan region. Despite this, Kosovo has made significant strides in strengthening its democratic institutions, economic development, and the promotion of an inclusive and multiethnic society.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kosovo's declaration of independence was, therefore, a moment of great significance, symbolizing a victory achieved through the perseverance and struggle of a people who have faced adversity with courage and determination. This event marks not only the end of a long period of conflicts and uncertainties but also the dawn of an era of hope, where Kosovo can aspire to build a future of peace, prosperity, and progress for itself and future generations.</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Present Challenges</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">The path Kosovo must navigate towards full sovereignty and universal recognition remains, indeed, steep and complex. Despite the significant progress made since 2008, the political and social situation within the country is still marked by numerous challenges. One of the most evident is the persistent tension with Serbia, which to this day has not recognized Kosovo's independence. This situation continues to influence international relations in the Balkan region, making dialogue and cooperation between Pristina and Belgrade crucial elements for the stability of the entire area.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The internal challenges Kosovo faces include the fight against corruption and organized crime, two scourges that undermine trust in institutions and hinder economic and social development. Corruption, in particular, represents a significant obstacle in attracting foreign investment and in improving the efficiency and transparency of public administration. Concurrently, organized crime not only damages the legal economy but also fuels instability and insecurity among the population.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Another critical aspect concerns the fragility of the Kosovar economy, which is dealing with high rates of unemployment, especially among the youth, and a dependence on remittances (money sent home by citizens abroad). To overcome these difficulties, Kosovo is called upon to implement structural reforms that promote economic growth, innovation, and job creation, while ensuring social equity and opportunities for all its citizens.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite these challenges, Kosovo has shown remarkable resilience and determination in building a society based on the values of democracy, respect for human rights, and European integration. The journey towards full sovereignty and the strengthening of the rule of law requires time, patience, and the support of both the international community and Kosovar citizens. Through dialogue, cooperation, and shared commitment, Kosovo can continue to make progress towards realizing its aspirations for peace, stability, and prosperity.</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>A Future of Hope</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite the difficulties faced on the path towards full sovereignty and international recognition, Kosovo has made significant strides in consolidating its democratic institutions and strengthening the country's social and cultural fabric. In the years following the declaration of independence, there has been a notable growth in civil society, which has proven to be vibrant and active, significantly contributing to the promotion of democracy, human rights, and sustainable development.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Kosovar culture, with its rich traditions and dynamic contemporary expression, is in full bloom, demonstrating to the world the resilience and creativity of a people who, despite adversity, have found a source of strength and inspiration in their identity. This cultural renaissance not only strengthens the sense of belonging and national pride among Kosovars but also helps project a positive image of Kosovo on the international stage, promoting dialogue and understanding among peoples.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The future of Kosovo, therefore, appears full of hope and possibilities. The determination and commitment of its people, young and enterprising, are the keys to overcoming the challenges that still lie ahead and to building a country that is prosperous, peaceful, and inclusive at the same time. The road ahead is undoubtedly strewn with obstacles, but the willpower and aspiration for a better future guide Kosovo and its citizens toward ever-broader horizons of progress and well-being.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this context of hope and renewal, the anniversary of Kosovo's independence is not just an occasion to celebrate a historical event, but also a moment to reflect on the long journey traveled and the infinite potentialities that the future holds. "Happy Birthday, Kosovo!" thus becomes not just a wish but an invitation to continue working with confidence and optimism towards the realization of that dream of freedom and dignity that has guided the Kosovar people's struggle.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this spirit of renewed hope and determination, Kosovo looks forward, ready to write the next chapters of its history, with the conviction that the best is yet to come.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>Thank you for following the Albanian Chronicles Diary. Your interest helps to enrich our shared heritage and the journey towards the future. Stay with us for more stories and insights. Wishing peace and prosperity to all Albanians. </i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>See you soon.</i></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b>Follow the 'Albanian Chronicles' blog on social media:</b></p><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Facebook, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/cronachealbanesi?igsh=ODA1NTc5OTg5Nw==" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instagram</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/rypo77" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">YouTube</a>, and <a href="https://x.com/EnigmaLibro?t=kZ_Uf4Svsq9zv8ueUK9X5A&s=09" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">X</a></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Stay up-to-date on new articles, interesting stories, and more!</b></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><o:p> </o:p></p>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-91055246824365548092024-02-10T15:00:00.000-08:002024-02-10T15:00:00.132-08:00*dies Solis in Latin means day of the sun<p> </p><h1 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h1><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><br /></span></div><h1 style="text-align: center;">*dies<b> Solis in Latin means day of the sun</b></h1><h2 style="text-align: center;">By Fatmir Iliazi</h2><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><h2 style="text-align: right;"><div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400;"><b><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2024/02/dies-solis-ne-latinisht-do-te-thote.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lexo artikullin në shqip</a></b></div><div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400;"><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2024/02/dies-solis-in-latino-significa-giorno.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></h2>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfgZBd-4Ekko_9YeZL0pteMDA_nlKUAytds-lRjS4OdKL2zLeF7wzHosUEJo0tDq5Zq0POe3q2-UrmCxZYXKTZgcU0s-Pak7ZUYYKa5pxzS1KjbpyRjdw0zYtmzSTnFDiGk7HLiNSr-0bpMk0udH8Zf5Z-QvFUcO_M2jpSjr1tcj4dCsGx-u9NEOWhZjM/s213/fatmir%20ilias.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="206" data-original-width="213" height="193" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfgZBd-4Ekko_9YeZL0pteMDA_nlKUAytds-lRjS4OdKL2zLeF7wzHosUEJo0tDq5Zq0POe3q2-UrmCxZYXKTZgcU0s-Pak7ZUYYKa5pxzS1KjbpyRjdw0zYtmzSTnFDiGk7HLiNSr-0bpMk0udH8Zf5Z-QvFUcO_M2jpSjr1tcj4dCsGx-u9NEOWhZjM/w200-h193/fatmir%20ilias.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">While the name dit/day of the Albanian language, according to Vladimir Orel, comes from Proto-Albanian *dīti, which comes from Proto-Indo-European *díHtis.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Albanian word *dit/day is related to the English word *tide, which comes from Old English tīd ("time"), from Proto-Germanic *tīdiz ("time"), from Proto-Indo-European *déh₂itis ("time"), from Proto-Indo-European *deh₂y- ("to divide").</div><div style="text-align: justify;">While *deis and *day of the Latin and English-German languages are different forms compared to their words for *sun, respectively Solis, Sun-Sonne, the Albanian language word *dit /day has the form very close to the word *diell/sun.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We are dealing with the primitive concepts of light, day, time, and the division of time, and the universal connection of these linguistic units with the cause of this phenomenon, the sun. I think that these units of the first Indo-European language were created on the basis of the multi-qualities of the object called *Diell.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We start the analysis with Solis.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Why is the Latin *deis not related to the form of its name for the sun?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Solis does not match the noun form deis/day. While deis in Latin coincides with the form of day and sun in Albanian?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Latin deis is clearly a loan from the Albanian language *diell, where we only have a replacement of *l by *s, which doesn't happen in the real world of phonetic transformations.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is undoubtedly derived from the word of the Albanian language *diell, but the replacement of *l with *s happened, I think, as an artificial addition of the church writers, creating a difference with the old word by adding a new suffix s, a much later addition at the time when the church writers were creating new languages from the first language preserved in the Albanian language.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiR2YnrTrYB4aJsG63tU6cC6cpt-TukfFfOugnyXGJPU8TAhZoT7kA8NtwU-XMmurzxRi4bRvMhQ8sJUXV6tBSaY8A_i4liS1ccr9YpFFBEEfvhDH9hSvU95i34djCUf5KBlGB8TqWiyi9RNOENFc2_QQ8NmFbTWiARxFoCSJb1Qz6cnMSGMXlTiyqgRaY/s720/dioscuri_albanian.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="615" data-original-width="720" height="341" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiR2YnrTrYB4aJsG63tU6cC6cpt-TukfFfOugnyXGJPU8TAhZoT7kA8NtwU-XMmurzxRi4bRvMhQ8sJUXV6tBSaY8A_i4liS1ccr9YpFFBEEfvhDH9hSvU95i34djCUf5KBlGB8TqWiyi9RNOENFc2_QQ8NmFbTWiARxFoCSJb1Qz6cnMSGMXlTiyqgRaY/w400-h341/dioscuri_albanian.png" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Statue of a Dioscurus with a headdress resembling Albanian tradition, embellished with a solar symbol.</span></b></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The second question that arises around this topic:</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Is it possible that all these languages are derived from a first language?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The etymologies of these words can also go further geographically, and can also be linked to the Vedic root *svar meaning to shine, and Sanskrit svaryas (later sûryas) = sun, the Hebrew word for sun sheh-mesh, etc.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We also have the "Greek" adjective σείριος (séirios) = brightness, which the ancient poets of the time used to attribute to the sun (ὁ Σείριος = he who shines).</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Many words in Greek, Latin, and most other European languages derive from a first language, but what language is that?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sanskrit language? Latin language? Ancient "Greek" language? Proto-Germanic? Proto-Slavic?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I think that these languages are not directly related to the first mother tongue of these linguistic units, they are very new languages and I strongly suspect that they are artificial languages constructed by the secretariats of the respective churches during the early Middle Ages.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Unlike the ancient languages studied, such as the Tokarian language, Hittite, which have been dead for millennia, the Albanian language is an ancient language that is still alive, it has remained alive continuously for at least 7500 years. The Albanian language has never been studied from this point of view.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Albanian language is the door to the first language, from which linguists still have a lot to learn.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the explanations of the origin of the name sun, I have argued the logical connection of the sun with the day, with light, as well as with the division of time into day and night.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Look at the creative unity of the first language</div><div style="text-align: justify;">DIELL-DIT-DRIT-DA</div><div style="text-align: justify;">SUN-DAY-LIGHT-DIVIDE.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The sun is an object that creates day, light and its circular division that brings each new day. It is the elements of this name I (the light) in its EL movement with the picto-symbol D that have created the concept of dit/day, which in another meaning-giving dimension also gives the concept of the division of time, human life, birth, death, which is the linguistic source of the words we have today about time and related linguistic elements.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Conclusion:</div><div style="text-align: justify;">*Dies, *tīd, *day, *díHtis, *deh₂y, etc. come from the root word of the Old Albanian language *diell.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By the way, I am also breaking down the old "Greek" word σείριος, which is also related to the sun:</div><div style="text-align: justify;">σείριος</div><div style="text-align: justify;">SEIRIOS=</div><div style="text-align: justify;">SEIRI=OS later ending</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THEIRI=S>TH</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THEILI=R>L</div><div style="text-align: justify;">DEILI=TH>D</div><div style="text-align: justify;">DIELLI</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On the other hand, *sirios is very close to the Albanian word for eye *sy, syri in the Geg dialect, siri in the Tosk dialect.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Are the eyes semantically related to the sun?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Was the sun the eye of the sky for primitive people?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Do they have the same round shape, O-shape?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Did primitive man create a connection between the O-shape of the eye with the O-shape of the sun and based on that create the first words for these concepts?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Did primitive man make a connection between visibility and the light of the sun and based on that create the first words for those concepts?</div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-25137885055508429392024-02-05T15:00:00.000-08:002024-02-05T15:00:00.137-08:00Albania's Atheistic Turn under Enver Hoxha<br /><br /><h1 style="text-align: center;">Albanian Chronicles Diary</h1><h1 style="text-align: center;">February 6, 1967</h1><i>February 6, 1967, marks a pivotal moment in contemporary Albanian history, heralding the official launch of the state atheism campaign by Enver Hoxha, the undisputed leader of the Party of Labour of Albania.</i>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPVWnTuqLd7VEyuKW856xLAuBekFeovi2HvrasvQd3V-flJmTiJiUOmybv2bT7yf_1B3pJOa1OM5P196ISw2fuWhwrooxA-eAe-ZfZe3gwLqFjWhGZaGR28BHu9s3s0jFLm5yjK18mosHVxRqyFrZ7XhRkKZDfQvpXkuio6Rfk2JBwyAWNintQZo04GGY/s1680/Besuch_der_Kathedrale_in_Skutari._(BildID_15572916).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1680" data-original-width="1265" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPVWnTuqLd7VEyuKW856xLAuBekFeovi2HvrasvQd3V-flJmTiJiUOmybv2bT7yf_1B3pJOa1OM5P196ISw2fuWhwrooxA-eAe-ZfZe3gwLqFjWhGZaGR28BHu9s3s0jFLm5yjK18mosHVxRqyFrZ7XhRkKZDfQvpXkuio6Rfk2JBwyAWNintQZo04GGY/w301-h400/Besuch_der_Kathedrale_in_Skutari._(BildID_15572916).jpg" width="301" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">This day signified a turning point for Albania, with Enver Hoxha delivering a decisive speech aimed at outlining an ambitious goal for the government: the eradication of religious influence within Albanian society. This speech not only announced the beginning of a new policy but also foreshadowed Albania's intention to stand out as one of the few officially atheist states on the international stage. Throughout his address, Hoxha unveiled a vision of an Albania free from religious divisions, which the government viewed as barriers to social, economic progress, and the establishment of a uniform communist society. The ensuing campaign was marked by considerable severity, with the systematic closure of places of worship, persecution of religious figures, both leaders and followers, and the abolition of all forms of religious education and expression.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This event represented not just a significant shift in Albania's domestic policy but also made a bold statement of independence in the international communist context, at a time characterized by constant shifts in ideological tensions and political alliances. Recognizing the importance of February 6, 1967, is essential to understanding the historical, social, and religious dynamics that have shaped contemporary Albania, highlighting the role of these policies in influencing the Albanian national identity throughout the 20th century.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<i>We thank you for following the "Albanian Chronicles Diary." The account of the ambitious state atheism policy initiated on February 6, 1967, underscores a decisive moment in Albanian history. Reflecting on these events not only enriches our understanding of the past but also sheds light on Albania's path towards the future. Stay with us for more historical and cultural explorations. </i><div><i><br /></i></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Follow the 'Albanian Chronicles' blog on social media:</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Facebook, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/cronachealbanesi?igsh=ODA1NTc5OTg5Nw==" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instagram</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/rypo77" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">YouTube</a>, and <a href="https://x.com/EnigmaLibro?t=kZ_Uf4Svsq9zv8ueUK9X5A&s=09" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">X</a></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Stay up-to-date on new articles, interesting stories, and more!</b></div></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-25202093505507680402024-01-27T15:00:00.000-08:002024-01-27T15:00:00.141-08:00Chronicle of the twentieth century: Decisive historical events in Albania (1)<h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>Chronicle of the twentieth century: Decisive historical events in Albania</b></h1><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>By <a href="https://amzn.to/3OdZixX" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Elton Varfi</a></b></h3><h2 style="text-align: right;"><div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400; text-align: right;"><b><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2024/01/cronaca-del-novecento-eventi-storici.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lexo artikullin në shqip</a></b></div><div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400; text-align: right;"><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2024/01/cronaca-del-novecento-eventi-storici.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></h2><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Foreword</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">On the Blog "Albanian Chronicles," we explored a variety of topics concerning Albania, presented by both Albanian and international voices. This year, however, I have chosen to take a different path, embarking on a project particularly dear to me: the investigation and sharing of Albanian history in the 20th century. My passion for my country's historical events is at the heart of this endeavor, despite the fact that my training is not strictly academic in nature. It is this interest that drives me toward an in-depth investigation, exploration and narrative of the events and happenings that have shaped Albania over the past century.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The decision to focus on 20th-century Albanian history stems from a deep-seated conviction: the history of this period is extraordinarily rich and complex, marked by a series of radical transformations and decisive moments that profoundly influenced not only the course of events, but also our culture and national identity. In this era, Albania emerged from the shadow of the Ottoman Empire and went through the fervor of nationalism, culminating in independence." in 1912, and continuing through historic events of global significance.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVfNavf4NCNl7ZP92l_nK2sNevaKSw5fQ-TyPiZ013h4Q1I_MPl2EFRPp1BiVXCy7-kEqAI4OGHVAr0fPyvGIUkmS_L4AHRi34WGpaCYpBneo9eFDYa3Jvl-r8QEeEt8Yp7Ky4GyCsY077GTjcKULtqnkV19jyMdiWe04VjNoj_YxmHJAbNmW1rFpH33o/s2123/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1466" data-original-width="2123" height="276" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiVfNavf4NCNl7ZP92l_nK2sNevaKSw5fQ-TyPiZ013h4Q1I_MPl2EFRPp1BiVXCy7-kEqAI4OGHVAr0fPyvGIUkmS_L4AHRi34WGpaCYpBneo9eFDYa3Jvl-r8QEeEt8Yp7Ky4GyCsY077GTjcKULtqnkV19jyMdiWe04VjNoj_YxmHJAbNmW1rFpH33o/w400-h276/01.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Durazzo, Early 20th Century: Panorama of the Albanian Port City.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">From involvement in the Balkan wars, to the surprising figure of a foreign king, through the devastating two world wars, Albania experienced a turbulent and dynamic period. This included a democratic revolution, the rise of a self-proclaimed king, followed by the communist era, which shaped the country in unimaginable ways. Finally, the transition to democracy, a long and complex process, marked the last phase of this century of transformation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In short, during the 20th century, Albania went through virtually every kind of historical and political experience. It is precisely this variety of events and histories, some well-known and some less so, that makes the country's history not only fascinating but also crucial to understanding the current context. Through the blog, I wish to explore and recount these chapters, to offer my readers a more complete and profound view of our national history.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the coming period, the blog will become a window into this fascinating era, where I will try to take you with me on this journey through time. We will explore together the lesser-known but pivotal characters, events and stories that have shaped our country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">"Albanian Chronicles" is committed to providing thoughtful and well-documented analysis of key events of the twentieth century in Albania. Through monthly updates, the blog will explore specific periods of Albanian history, supplementing the narrative with insights based on accurate studies and reliable sources.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Each article in "Albanian Chronicles" aims to offer a balanced and in-depth view, highlighting the various cultural, social and political aspects that have helped define the country's history.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With "Albanian Chronicles," readers are invited on an exploratory journey, where a new page of history opens each month, capable of offering a detailed and thoughtful analysis of a century that significantly shaped modern Albania.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><br /></span></div><h2 style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: bold;">Introduction</span></h2><h2 style="text-align: center;">General historical context of the 20th century in the Balkans</h2>
<div style="text-align: justify;">At the very beginning of the 20th century, the Balkan region emerged as a complex fabric of ethnic diversity, cultural richness and subtle tensions. Such an intricate landscape was largely a reflection of the state of decline in which the once majestic Ottoman Empire found itself and the simultaneous growth of fervent nationalist movements. During this period of transformation and turbulence, the Balkans were frequently depicted as "the powder keg of Europe," a metaphor that brilliantly evokes the air of tension and instability that prevailed there. This designation was not just a figure of speech, but an accurate reflection of the reality of a region where the slightest spark could ignite a conflict of unpredictable proportions.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGqsasDcXcTdzNiLnbY0FmJFbJoJiFrqs6O529JtGn58CvkV_HqIkGRPak_ZeV4BDXWFJbcF8fVVw_haCIggVVUPsde51JAMMkPti4yUEbhFBC1dI5hWdE_0Nok1CVnaOKS3BnWWuh3XDNMIXnJTLr-BSS_55whyq-sP9auSw7tH-NaCes5cxy0LSL1qU/s1024/02.JPG" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="668" data-original-width="1024" height="261" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGqsasDcXcTdzNiLnbY0FmJFbJoJiFrqs6O529JtGn58CvkV_HqIkGRPak_ZeV4BDXWFJbcF8fVVw_haCIggVVUPsde51JAMMkPti4yUEbhFBC1dI5hWdE_0Nok1CVnaOKS3BnWWuh3XDNMIXnJTLr-BSS_55whyq-sP9auSw7tH-NaCes5cxy0LSL1qU/w400-h261/02.JPG" width="400" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Map of 1914 from the Report of the International Commission on the Balkan Wars.</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;">The Ottoman Empire, which once exercised unchallenged dominance and deployed its mighty influence over the Balkan territories, was inexorably slipping into decline. This regression marked the end of an era and opened a scenario characterized by a clear power vacuum. Against this backdrop of political uncertainty and institutional fragility, various nationalist groups emerged, fueled by a fervent spirit of independence and a desire to redefine the region's political and cultural boundaries. These currents of thought and action were not slow to manifest themselves in a series of clashes and insurgencies, which, like concentric waves, extended their repercussions far beyond the geographical borders of the Balkans, significantly affecting the entire European geopolitical balance.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Against this fervent Balkan backdrop, Albania, strategically positioned at the heart of the region, emerged as an epicenter of these growing tensions. The nation, caught between the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of new powers, faced a crucial challenge: the struggle to assert its independence and forge a distinct national identity. This period of profound transformation and intense political upheaval saw Albania navigate the turbulent waters of an era characterized by great change.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albanian independence aspirations, intertwined with similar movements in other Balkan nations, were not only a response to immediate political circumstances but also a powerful engine of change. They contributed significantly to reshaping the political and cultural landscape of the Balkans, setting the stage for a series of events that would indelibly influence the course of the century. Albania's struggle to assert its sovereignty and national identity was, therefore, not only a key chapter in its history, but also a key element in the broader context of Balkan and European dynamics.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the early twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire continued to exercise its rule over a vast Balkan territory, encompassing the area of present-day Albania. During this period, however, the first unmistakable signs of imperial decline were becoming apparent. This phase of regression was not just a change in local power; it represented a historical turning point that would leave an indelible mark on the region.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In parallel, the geopolitical picture of the Balkans was further complicated by the ambitions of the major European powers. Austria-Hungary and Russia, in particular, were emerging as key players in this intricate chess game, each with its own set of strategic interests and territorial aspirations. This struggle for influence was not simply a confrontation for territorial control; it was a show of strength and prestige between the powers, with the Balkans used as the stage on which this game of political supremacy was played out.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The situation in the Balkans, then, was characterized by a multilayered dynamic: the decline of a once glorious empire, the rise of indigenous nationalist movements, and competition among the great powers. This complex interplay of forces would steer the region toward a series of events that would profoundly shape twentieth-century European history.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the beginning of the 20th century, the Balkan landscape was marked by a complex fabric of opposing aspirations and varied tensions. In this context, there was a delicate balancing act: on the one hand, the expansionist aims of external nations; on the other, the growing forces of internal nationalist movements fighting for independence. These external powers, eager to expand their influence, clashed with the desires for self-determination and independence that animated the Balkan peoples.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Albanians, in particular, were at the forefront of this struggle for autonomy. Their growing desire for self-determination manifested itself in an increasingly determined resistance against the oppression of the Ottoman Empire. The search for their own national identity, against a background of external oppression and internal aspirations, had become for Albanians not only a political goal but a cultural and social imperative.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This landscape of nationalistic aspirations and external injunctions created an unstable situation in which any small spark could ignite a fire. The Balkan region at this time was thus a mosaic of peoples and cultures, each with its own history, aspirations and dreams, all united by a common desire for self-determination and recognition of their national identity in a rapidly changing world.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the heart of this climate, the nationalistic aspirations of the Balkan peoples were intricately intertwined with the strategies and goals of external powers. This interaction transformed the Balkans into a veritable node of divergent interests. The region became, thus, the stage for escalating tensions, which would play a key role in the evolution of events leading to the outbreak of World War I. These events, in turn, would be decisive in redefining the European political landscape later in the century.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the dawn of the 20th century, Albania had not yet acquired sovereign state status, but was considered a region under the jurisdiction of the Ottoman Empire. Despite this political status, a marked national identity was forming and strengthening in Albania. The Albanians, under Ottoman administration, were subjected to various forms of harassment, ranging from the restriction of their cultural and political rights to various other restrictions. This context of oppression served as a catalyst for the growing desire for self-determination and independence within the Albanian population.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During that crucial period in history, Albania became the scene of a nationalist awakening, a phenomenon that took deep root in the heart of its society. These nationalist movements, emerging with increasing strength, began to manifest a pressing need for autonomy, challenging the Ottoman rule that had long suffocated the region. This was not only a desire for political independence; it was also and above all an expression of the deep connection with Albanian cultural roots. There was an urgent desire to preserve, enhance and promote the richness of Albanian culture, its unique language and centuries-old traditions, elements that for too long had been marginalized or even repressed by the empire.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This cultural and political revival was not an isolated phenomenon. Rather, it was the result of a long process of identity rediscovery and reaffirmation, which was developing in parallel with the growing feeling of alienation from the Ottoman Empire. In this context, Albanian nationalist movements began to articulate their demands more vehemently. These took the form not only of political claims, but also of the rediscovery and revival of a cultural heritage that represented the beating heart of Albanian identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The political and cultural activity of these Albanian nationalist movements was instrumental in channeling the aspirations of a people toward winning their independence. Animated by a deep sense of belonging and a steadfast and unbreakable determination, these movements aimed to crystallize Albanian identity and gain the recognition and respect that the Albanian people had longed for. This era, full of ferment and crucial turning points, represents an indispensable milestone in understanding the roots of Albanian national sentiment as well as its decisive role in drawing the lines of the country's future.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During this period of intense national awakening, Albania began to sculpt its identity in a European and world context. The actions and ideas of these nationalist groups were not only an immediate response to the political and social circumstances of the moment, but also formed the basis on which the path to independence would be built. The steps taken at this time were not mere manifestations of dissent; they were the sign of a profound change, a transformation that would leave an indelible mark on the history and soul of the Albanian people.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Albanian national awakening, a key chapter in the country's historical narrative, was steeped in a profound process of rediscovering and valuing its language and culture. For a long time, these expressions of identity had been stifled or overshadowed under the weight of Ottoman rule. However, with the emergence and rise of nationalism, these cultural components began to be not only recognized but also celebrated as fundamental pillars of Albanian identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This cultural renaissance represented a true rebirth for Albania: the Albanian language, with its deep roots and unique structure, and the rich cultural tradition, with its practices, customs, and histories, were now being extolled as symbols of national pride. This renewed cultural awareness was not just a return to its origins; it was a powerful declaration of Albania's uniqueness and sovereignty, an essential step on its path to self-determination and independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The first decisive step in the march toward Albanian independence was the founding of the League of Prizren in 1878. This revolutionary organization set itself an ambitious goal: to unify all territories inhabited by Albanian populations within the Ottoman Empire, with the intent of forging a cohesive and independent Albanian nation. The League of Prizren represented a milestone in the Albanian national struggle, strongly emphasizing the importance of unity among Albanians and stressing the imperative need to achieve national sovereignty.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This movement was more than just a political organization; it was the symbol of an awakening, the catalyst for a sense of national identity and belonging. With its formation, the Prizren League not only highlighted the Albanian people's desire for self-determination but also gave concrete and organized form to their aspirations. Its existence and activities were a clear manifestation of the emerging national consciousness and collective desire to shake off the domination of Ottoman oppression and move toward a future of freedom and independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although the Prizren League was destined to be suppressed by the Ottoman authorities, the echo of its impact and the power of its legacy continued to echo well beyond its ephemeral existence. Indeed, this movement laid a solid foundation for the nascent Albanian independence movement, acting as a catalyst for an awakening of national consciousness and political mobilization of the Albanian people.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Prizren League, with its ideas and ideals, contributed significantly to shaping Albania's national goals. More than that, however, it left an inspiring legacy that has continued to instill courage and determination in successive generations of Albanians. This movement did not merely challenge the current state of affairs; it ignited a flame of aspiration for independence and self-determination, a flame that would never cease to burn in the hearts of Albanians. Its story became a source of inspiration and a point of reference for those who would carry on the struggle for Albania's freedom and national sovereignty.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwKPIeKoRzr6NO9BGuXVV-UQTUtWFBAzK_E6OrGbYSzYzHtQtQzwQuR9MYM0Rd9Mfyf0hhglglhzSjGm-MQz3FZd7r5DhyDu9GjmcDkW42IaxzqP1KCDbqG53S7f1FbGS-NZP0n4mzcSJktGiXRPip-75NdPISTpkFcvnaVibrqpGL53DJBDuK48QZaEQ/s800/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="557" data-original-width="800" height="279" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwKPIeKoRzr6NO9BGuXVV-UQTUtWFBAzK_E6OrGbYSzYzHtQtQzwQuR9MYM0Rd9Mfyf0hhglglhzSjGm-MQz3FZd7r5DhyDu9GjmcDkW42IaxzqP1KCDbqG53S7f1FbGS-NZP0n4mzcSJktGiXRPip-75NdPISTpkFcvnaVibrqpGL53DJBDuK48QZaEQ/w400-h279/03.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Abdurrahim Buza: "The League of Prizren," 1953.</span></b></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this historical context, daily life in the Albanian regions appeared as an intricate fabric, where deep-rooted centuries-old traditions were intertwined with the direct influence of Ottoman policies. Although these areas retained deeply Albanian cultural and social characteristics, they were inevitably subject to various elements of Ottoman rule that greatly influenced their daily life.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this scenario, the coexistence between the rich Albanian cultural heritage and Ottoman control was manifested in all aspects of life: from language to religion, from social organization to administration. The Albanian people, while living under Ottoman rule, tenaciously preserved their traditions and way of life, resisting external pressures and keeping their unique identity alive. This cultural resistance was not just a form of rebellion; it was an assertion of identity and a sign of resistance against complete absorption into the Ottoman sphere.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">One of the most oppressive aspects of life under the Ottoman Empire in the Albanian regions was undoubtedly the imposed tax system. This system often proved to be extremely burdensome and oppressive for the local population. It not only exerted considerable economic pressure on the Albanians, taking away a significant portion of their financial resources; it was also perceived as a concrete and painful symbol of their subjugation and foreign domination.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This tax burden represented more than just a levy of money. It was a constant reminder of Ottoman control, a tangible sign of their presence and influence in every aspect of Albanian daily life. For the Albanian population, this tax system was an emblem of injustice and lack of autonomy, capable of fueling spirits of resentment and the will to resist and aspire to greater independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In addition to the tax system, another significant source of discontent among the Albanian population was forced conscription into the Ottoman army. This practice, imposed by Ottoman imperial policies, forced many Albanian men to join the imperial army. This obligation represented not only a loss of personal autonomy, but also a forced detachment from their families and communities.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Compulsory enlistment meant, for many Albanians, being catapulted into an unfamiliar and hostile environment, exposing them to danger and hardship. It was not only a matter of serving in a foreign army; it was also a kind of dispossession of their lives and destiny. This practice was seen as an additional tool of control and oppression by the Ottoman Empire, reinforcing the feeling of alienation and strengthening the desire for resistance and independence among Albanians.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The situation of Albanians under the Ottoman Empire was further aggravated by their poor political representation. They were in a condition of substantial exclusion from decision-making spheres, with their voices and needs systematically neglected or marginalized within the Ottoman administration. This lack of representation meant that Albanians had almost no opportunity to influence policies that directly affected their lives, nor to address the many injustices to which they were subjected.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This absence of a genuine channel for expressing their aspirations and asserting their rights contributed to a sense of powerlessness and frustration. It was not just a matter of being excluded from the political process; it was an effective denial of their right to actively participate in the management of their communities and the safeguarding of their interests. This circumstance fueled discontent and strengthened the desire for change, pushing more and more Albanians toward the path of resistance and struggle for independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The difficulties and challenges imposed by Ottoman rule, combined with the tenacious preservation of Albanian cultural and linguistic traditions, played a crucial role in the formation and strengthening of a distinct sense of Albanian national identity. The combination of these factors fueled a burning desire for independence and self-government among the Albanian people. The collective response to these challenges has been instrumental in shaping the Albanian nationalist movement, directing it toward a growing determination for independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The preservation of Albanian culture and language in a context of oppression and denial of basic rights acted as a catalyst, uniting the Albanian people around a common goal of freedom and autonomy. The struggle for independence, therefore, arose not only as a reaction to oppressive policies, but also as an expression of Albanians' deep connection with their cultural heritage. This interplay between political and cultural resistance outlined the path to self-determination, eventually leading to a determined and unstoppable push toward independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the broader Balkan scenario, the period leading up to the outbreak of World War I was characterized by an intensification of nationalism among the different ethnic groups in the region. This phenomenon affected not only the Albanians, but also extended to populations such as Serbs, Greeks, and Bulgarians. Each of these ethnic groups, moved by a deep sense of cultural and historical identity, began to manifest a growing desire for self-determination and sovereignty.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This rise of nationalism in the various Balkan nations was not an isolated phenomenon; rather, it was an expression of a broader change that was sweeping across the whole of Europe. The independence aspirations of these populations were fueled by a number of factors, including the decline of traditional empires, the spread of liberal and democratic ideas, and a renewed interest in their own cultural and historical roots.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this context, the Balkan region became a melting pot of nationalist movements, each with its own specific aspirations and goals. The convergence and sometimes conflict of these different nationalisms contributed to making the Balkans one of the most volatile and dynamic regions of Europe in the period leading up to the Great War. During this historical period, the growing nationalist movements among the various Balkan populations, including Serbs, Greeks and Bulgarians, developed in parallel with the independence aspirations of the Albanians. However, not infrequently, the goals of these different nationalities were in direct conflict with each other, especially in terms of territorial and sovereignty claims. This divergence of national goals and aspirations contributed to exacerbating interethnic tensions in the region.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Such unrest was the result of a complex interaction of historical rivalries, cultural and religious differences, and opposing national ambitions. Areas with mixed populations became particularly vulnerable to these frictions, with frequent episodes of conflict and confrontation. In this context, the Balkan region became a patchwork of competing nationalist interests, each seeking to assert its own identity and claims in an already turbulent and unstable environment.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This situation of growing interethnic and nationalist tension in the Balkans not only further complicated the political landscape of the region, but also set the stage for some of the conflicts that would later mark 20th century European history, particularly the context that would lead to the outbreak of World War I. The national conflicts that manifested themselves among the different ethnic groups in the Balkans in the period leading up to World War I were complex and characterized by multiple aspects. They were not limited to being expressions of national pride or defense of cultural identity; they also had deep roots in territorial and political issues.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These interethnic clashes were not simple rivalries; they were fueled by a long history of disagreements over control and sovereignty over specific geographic areas. Each national group had its own visions and aspirations regarding territorial boundaries and political organization, often based on historical claims or strategic interests. This intertwining of territorial claims and political goals made conflicts particularly acute and difficult to resolve.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhT5Llbm4ahIX6IMxNkw2t7tYYYc2_eiz9f9q4VlN_A2MADcz09DjJtKAiVoDVhFOFjdf5s1tPrlzJpcFXKgmNZ7M4Fl2qZ27UjSy_AaOxlanMmFLsaqlL5-782c6VLCIir6yFFJT8cz8zfnia_aAOiSo1Dv4WruvJvnmO4tnqSWu34f6URcd1Qh5Nw9ZI/s1518/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="928" data-original-width="1518" height="245" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhT5Llbm4ahIX6IMxNkw2t7tYYYc2_eiz9f9q4VlN_A2MADcz09DjJtKAiVoDVhFOFjdf5s1tPrlzJpcFXKgmNZ7M4Fl2qZ27UjSy_AaOxlanMmFLsaqlL5-782c6VLCIir6yFFJT8cz8zfnia_aAOiSo1Dv4WruvJvnmO4tnqSWu34f6URcd1Qh5Nw9ZI/w400-h245/04.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Durazzo in the Early 20th Century: Evocative View of the Venetian Fortress</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Against this backdrop, the Balkan territory became a symbolic and real battleground for national aspirations, where each ethnic group sought to assert its authority and expand its dominance. These contrasts, often exacerbated by competition for resources and the influence of the great European powers, contributed to an extremely unstable and volatile environment, a prelude to the events that would trigger World War I. The Albanians, Serbs, Greeks, and Bulgarians, at that crucial period in Balkan history, were all engaged in a heated struggle to assert their sovereignty and control over territories they considered an integral part of their own nation. This contest for territorial and national self-determination was deeply rooted in their identity and historical aspirations.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Tensions between these different ethnic groups were not a new phenomenon; they were in fact exacerbated by a long history of Ottoman rule that had left a legacy of divisions and antagonisms. The Ottoman Empire, through its administration and policies, had often fostered the rise of local rivalries, both directly and indirectly, through governance that tended to exploit ethnic and religious differences to its own advantage.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this context, the end of Ottoman influence in the Balkans had left a power vacuum, creating a scenario in which national ambitions could emerge more openly and conflict more directly. Each ethnic group endeavored to delineate and consolidate its own national boundaries, often in a manner that conflicted with the claims of others, thus leading to increased tensions and conflicts in the region, which would eventually explode in the context of World War I. Further complicating the already tumultuous situation in the Balkans came from the intervention of the major European powers of the time, including Austria-Hungary, Russia, France, and the United Kingdom. Each of these powers had their own strategic interests in the region, and these ambitions often resulted in direct or indirect intervention in national conflicts in the Balkans. Not infrequently, the actions of these major powers had the effect of manipulating or exacerbating existing conflicts, using them as levers to pursue their own geopolitical goals.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This overlap of internal national ambitions and external intervention led to an extremely unstable situation in the Balkans. The great powers, seeking to extend their own influence or to contain that of their adversaries, engaged in a kind of geopolitical chess game, in which the Balkan peoples often found themselves serving as pawns. This external interventionism not only further complicated domestic national conflicts, but also contributed to an environment of uncertainty and tension that would play a crucial role in triggering the chain of events that led to the outbreak of World War I.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Balkan region, in the run-up to World War I, effectively became an epicenter of crisis, a veritable powder keg ready to explode. Internal national conflicts, fueled by centuries of ethnic tensions and independence aspirations, became dangerously intertwined with the strategic maneuvers of the great European powers. Each nation within the region, driven by a desire to assert its identity and sovereignty, found itself in a context of growing instability and potential confrontation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In parallel, the great powers, each with their own geopolitical and strategic goals, sought to influence events in the Balkans to maximize their own interests, often without considering the long-term implications of their actions. This dynamic of national ambitions and outside intervention only intensified existing tensions, making the region a breeding ground for conflict.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This delicate balance of power and this network of alliances and rivalries created the ideal conditions for a far-reaching crisis. The spark that would ignite World War I was precisely an event that occurred in the Balkans: the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo in 1914. This tragic event was the catalyst that transformed regional tensions into a global conflict, involving the great powers in one of the most devastating wars in human history. The global conflict that erupted in 1914, known as World War I, was actually preceded by a series of regional crises and clashes in the Balkans, which highlighted its fragility and volatility. Already in the early years of the 20th century, the Balkan region had been the scene of numerous conflicts and tensions, which served as indicators of the unstable and dangerous situation there.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These clashes, known as the Balkan Wars, which occurred in 1912 and 1913, were notably key moments that exposed the deep divisions and complex power dynamics in the region. These wars saw several Balkan nations, such as Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, and Montenegro, unite against the Ottoman Empire to conquer territories previously under its control, followed by a second conflict that erupted between the same allies over the division of these conquered lands.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Not only did these events reveal the deep ethnic and national rifts within the Balkans, but they also highlighted the role of the great European powers as they sought to exert their influence over the region. The complexity and intensity of these regional conflicts were a clear prelude to the impending crisis that would engulf the entire continent and trigger World War I, a conflict that would radically redefine the political geography of Europe and the world.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Indeed, the situation in the Balkans, and in Albania in particular, in the early 1900s can be described as a period of fervent nationalism and profound transformation. This was marked by the gradual decline of the once dominant Ottoman Empire and an international context of increasing tension and rivalry among European powers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania, within this framework, was at a crucial stage of defining its national identity. Albanian aspirations for independence and self-government were developing in parallel with a broader movement of nationalism that ran through the entire Balkan region. At the same time, the policies and interests of the major European powers were creating additional complexities and power dynamics, significantly influencing events in the region.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this environment of uncertainty and impending change, the Balkan region, and Albania in particular, stood on the brink of radical transformations. These would not only redefine Albania's political and territorial landscape, but would also have a profound impact on the entire geopolitical balance of the Balkans, helping to shape the events that would lead to the outbreak of World War I and subsequent territorial and political rearrangements in Europe. Emerging nationalism in Albania and other Balkan nations in the early 20th century effectively embodied a widespread impulse for self-determination and independence. This sentiment was largely a direct response to the long centuries of Ottoman rule, which had imposed external control over the region's diverse cultures, languages, and traditions.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For many Balkan peoples, nationalism was not just a political ideal; it represented a deep aspiration to reassert their cultural and historical identity, which had been suffocated under the yoke of the Ottoman Empire. The struggle for independence was thus intrinsically linked to the rediscovery and appreciation of one's cultural, linguistic and traditional roots.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This drive toward self-determination was fueled by a mixture of factors, including the decline of the Ottoman Empire, which had left a power vacuum, and the influence of liberal and nationalistic ideas from Western Europe. As a result, during this period, the Balkans became a patchwork of independence movements, each with its own goal of building a sovereign nation based on its unique national and cultural identity. Indeed, the gradual decline of the Ottoman Empire during this period was creating a significant power vacuum in the Balkans, a vacuum that various national entities were eager to fill. This situation generated a highly competitive and conflictual environment, with various Balkan nations clashing over territorial and sovereignty issues.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Each national group, driven by its own nationalist awakening and independence aspirations, sought to establish or expand its borders, based on historical, cultural, or ethnic claims. This race to fill the vacuum left by the Ottoman Empire was not a peaceful process; instead, it was marked by clashes and tensions, as one nation's ambitions often overlapped or came into direct conflict with those of its neighbors.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The result was an intricate and ephemeral web of alliances, rivalries and conflicts that turned the Balkans into one of the most unstable and dangerous regions of Europe at that time. This instability, aggravated by the interference of the great European powers, laid the groundwork for a series of crises that would contribute to the outbreak of World War I, indelibly marking the history of the continent and the entire world.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The intervention of the major European powers in the complex Balkan scenario represented another significant level of complexity and intrigue. These powers, attentive to developments in the region, did not hesitate to intervene, seeking to exploit regional tensions to their own advantage. Their actions were often motivated by a combination of strategic interests, such as control of trade routes or access to crucial resources, and broader geopolitical goals, such as containing or expanding the influence of other rival powers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This international power play contributed to further aggravating the already tense situation in the Balkans. The maneuverings of the major European powers not only directly influenced the internal political balance in the region, but also generated a climate of suspicion and uncertainty. Balkan nations, aware that they were the objects of interest and manipulation by external actors, often found themselves forced to navigate in an environment of uncertain and shifting alliances.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this context, the Balkans was not only a theater of national conflict, but also a battleground for supremacy among European powers. This intricate web of interests and interventions contributed to making the region a focal point of international tension, a breeding ground for the outbreak of larger-scale conflicts, such as the one that would lead to World War I.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the midst of this tumultuous Balkan landscape, Albania, which at the time of the events still showed itself to be an integral part of the Ottoman Empire, was in a particularly delicate and central position. The struggle for Albanian independence and the convinced aspiration to preserve and strengthen its national identity were deeply intertwined with the broader political and social dynamics of the region. The Albanians, confronting the challenges of emerging nationalism and complex external influences, were navigating an environment of great uncertainty and change.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These elements-the struggle for self-determination, the desire to preserve national culture and identity, and regional tensions amplified by the maneuvering of the great powers-were all contributing to a fertile ground for significant historical events. This historical conjuncture, charged with transformative potential, set the stage for a series of crucial events that would not only shape Albania's destiny but also rewrite the course of Balkan history in the 20th century.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Albanian struggle for independence, in particular, was not only a national movement, but was also symbolic of the and broader aspirations for freedom and self-determination that echoed throughout the region. The events that would unfold in Albania and the Balkans during this period would have a profound and lasting impact, influencing regional geopolitics and international relations for generations to come.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<i><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>We invite readers to share their thoughts in the comments and follow our blog for the next post on Albania's road to independence.</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="font-style: normal;">Facebook, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/cronachealbanesi?igsh=ODA1NTc5OTg5Nw==" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instagram</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/rypo77" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">YouTube</a>, and <a href="https://x.com/EnigmaLibro?t=kZ_Uf4Svsq9zv8ueUK9X5A&s=09" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">X</a></b></div></i>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-65531015703173885732024-01-16T15:00:00.000-08:002024-01-16T15:00:00.129-08:00Scanderbeg: The Eternal Hero<h2 style="text-align: center;"> <span style="text-align: center;"><b>Diary of Albanian Chronicles<br /></b></span><b>17 January 1468</b></h2><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><i>Welcome to the “Albanian Chronicles Diary”. On this commemorative day, we unite in remembrance of a historical figure who profoundly marked the course of Albanian history: George Kastrioti, known as Scanderbeg, the Dragon of Albania. His death, which occurred on January 17, 1468, represents not only the loss of a national hero but also a crucial turning point in the history of our country.</i></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRS8ofGBhNuv0T1ejH-vx9lymI-uNY0Avbteyhi1G92hTAv8EYQMf_mmrJR1hJJTDw_xfh48jU7obNs8CpE1ibuSs4nJFjsO7rrvSIN3dMf6cg75b7lEK-YyyFgPagOo5QkXV92v7F9xQHSDjsU_P7_svxUwcGzlXrN6turPsCPKLNzQADHlHhcgu9dGA/s634/The_death_of_Skanderbeg.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="374" data-original-width="634" height="236" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRS8ofGBhNuv0T1ejH-vx9lymI-uNY0Avbteyhi1G92hTAv8EYQMf_mmrJR1hJJTDw_xfh48jU7obNs8CpE1ibuSs4nJFjsO7rrvSIN3dMf6cg75b7lEK-YyyFgPagOo5QkXV92v7F9xQHSDjsU_P7_svxUwcGzlXrN6turPsCPKLNzQADHlHhcgu9dGA/w400-h236/The_death_of_Skanderbeg.jpg" width="400" /></a></b></div><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /><span><a name='more'></a></span></b><p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Scanderbeg was a skilled warrior and tactician who led the Albanian resistance against the Ottoman Empire for over two decades. His exceptional leadership and vision enabled him to unite several Albanian clans under a single cause. However, his death created a power vacuum that resulted in the rapid disintegration of Albania's internal cohesion. The unity and solidarity he had established dissolved, leaving the country vulnerable to the expansionist ambitions of the Ottomans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Scanderbeg's death had far-reaching consequences beyond the borders of Albania. Reverend Fan S. Noli, in his 'History of Scanderbeg', notes that it even shook his enemies. Upon hearing of Scanderbeg's death, Muhammad II, the Ottoman sultan, reportedly exclaimed with a mixture of relief and admiration: "<i>Such a lion will never again be born in the world! Now Europe and Asia are mine! Poor Christendom, her sword and defence have failed her at last</i>!"</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This exclamation reflects not only the esteem that even his opponents had for Scanderbeg, but also the crucial role he played in containing the Ottoman advance in Europe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Scanderbeg's death had a profound impact on Albanian and Balkan history. The alliances and pacts he had carefully crafted began to unravel without his leadership. Albania, lacking its charismatic and strategic leader, experienced increased internal strife and a gradual loss of autonomy. The Ottomans took advantage of the situation and intensified their military campaigns, leading to the gradual but inevitable conquest of the region.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On this day of commemoration, we remember Scanderbeg as a military hero and a symbol of unity, resistance, and love of country. His legacy continues to inspire generations of Albanians and remains a beacon of hope in our collective history.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i>Thank you for following the 'Albanian Chronicle Diary'. Please reflect on the life and legacy of Scanderbeg and share your thoughts on this day of remembrance and reflection. Scanderbeg's story is a testament to the resilience and indomitable spirit of Albania. We will continue to honour and remember this legacy.</i></p><i><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></i><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Follow the 'Albanian Chronicles' blog on social media:</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Facebook, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/cronachealbanesi?igsh=ODA1NTc5OTg5Nw==" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instagram</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/rypo77" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">YouTube</a>, and <a href="https://x.com/EnigmaLibro?t=kZ_Uf4Svsq9zv8ueUK9X5A&s=09" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">X</a></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Stay up-to-date on new articles, interesting stories, and more!</b></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-74824702106283041542024-01-10T15:00:00.000-08:002024-01-15T13:24:05.216-08:00The Dawn of an Era: The Birth of the Socialist Republic of Albania<h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Diary of Albanian Chronicles</b></h2><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>January 11, 1946</b></h2><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></i></p>
<i><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>Welcome to the "Diary of Albanian Chronicles." Today, we invite you to explore with us an extraordinary episode in Albanian history. Do not hesitate to share your opinions and thoughts in the comments.</i></div></i><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> </span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhy8LjKNMa67LKVGueMRgqODVgblwbLzoHvL5rWzNIbdvf6l-jovOgcHJecBSwbWn3i1POjO70G-5TVHChef1qg03X2EQqDCM-8fvnzBpMPcjjW0PdRf1J6axKDfabrJCNNkQdp8EUY2cLPVE0tVRegCVhXgiqRtZXPIwDv0nhLvdkmNRMVIdGidVzOV-c/s3688/Elton%202.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2293" data-original-width="3688" height="249" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhy8LjKNMa67LKVGueMRgqODVgblwbLzoHvL5rWzNIbdvf6l-jovOgcHJecBSwbWn3i1POjO70G-5TVHChef1qg03X2EQqDCM-8fvnzBpMPcjjW0PdRf1J6axKDfabrJCNNkQdp8EUY2cLPVE0tVRegCVhXgiqRtZXPIwDv0nhLvdkmNRMVIdGidVzOV-c/w400-h249/Elton%202.jpg" width="400" /></a></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the rich and varied history of Albania, 11 January 1946 stands out as a date of fundamental importance, a moment that definitively redefined the destiny of a nation. On that memorable day, Enver Hoxha, a dominant figure in the Albanian political landscape, took his country to new horizons by solemnly proclaiming the Socialist Republic of Albania. This event went beyond a mere political transition; it marked the beginning of a radically new era, marked by profound changes that would indelibly shape Albania's society, economy and political landscape.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Against the backdrop of this historic moment, Albania had navigated through decades of turmoil and uncertainty. The end of the Second World War had left the country in a state of vulnerability, in search of a renewed national identity. In this climate of renewal, Enver Hoxha emerged as a figure of extraordinary charisma and determination, taking the helm of the country and proposing a bold vision of a socialist future for Albania. His policies, imbued with a revolutionary ideal, would shape the course of the nation for decades to come.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjjaW-QAi7us6wcW1n0Y_bxWThbv2lbuj9ctZv0H4hxPOlG_zg9M-4IUf7ekm5bRDOhEPGm7-4Yc3BDy56LvYCCwBKLdgj1oCC6EKZWdE4aMB2-oZHiW88b3y2BDrzErPLzvogkmAR4L4rGA-D-d4m0zP-JXmyTxmPeCTWqbs9ZK_PaQLoVgf7ai5PTE0/s1094/Elton%201%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1094" data-original-width="1079" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjjaW-QAi7us6wcW1n0Y_bxWThbv2lbuj9ctZv0H4hxPOlG_zg9M-4IUf7ekm5bRDOhEPGm7-4Yc3BDy56LvYCCwBKLdgj1oCC6EKZWdE4aMB2-oZHiW88b3y2BDrzErPLzvogkmAR4L4rGA-D-d4m0zP-JXmyTxmPeCTWqbs9ZK_PaQLoVgf7ai5PTE0/w395-h400/Elton%201%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="395" /></a></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Under his aegis, Albania embarked on a path of radical transformation. The collectivisation of property, the nationalisation of enterprises and the complete restructuring of society according to the principles of communism were carried out with speed and vigour, leaving a deep mark on the social fabric of the country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the advent of the Socialist Republic was not without its contradictions and challenges. Although Hoxha's regime was intended to be a beacon of social renewal, it proved to be repressive and authoritarian. Freedom of expression and thought were drastically curtailed, and those perceived as a threat to the government were often persecuted. Under Hoxha's leadership, Albania became one of the most isolated states on the European continent, cut off from many other nations in both the Eastern and Western blocs.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Under his aegis, Albania embarked on a path of radical transformation. The collectivisation of property, the nationalisation of enterprises and the complete restructuring of society according to the principles of communism were carried out with speed and vigour, leaving a deep mark on the social fabric of the country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the advent of the Socialist Republic was not without its contradictions and challenges. Although intended to be a beacon of social renewal, Hoxha's regime proved repressive and authoritarian. Freedom of expression and thought were drastically curtailed, and those perceived as a threat to the government were often persecuted. Under Hoxha's leadership, Albania became one of the most isolated states on the European continent, cut off from many other nations in both the Eastern and Western blocs.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>Thank you for following the 'Diary of Albanian Chronicles'. If you wish to participate with your comments or share your experiences, we encourage you to do so. Your contribution enriches our collective understanding of Albanian history.</i></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> </span></p>
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<p><i style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> </span></i> </p>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-78897157740562532542023-12-23T15:00:00.000-08:002024-01-03T08:22:32.677-08:00Happy Holidays from "Albanian Chronicles<p style="text-align: center;"> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLdXELZyJUWewATtvDxmvBJvyCa0PQOpUjHnMdv05wVt8UBrDa5-LEiJygvZdzlIlhUyy0U43lG2fSArsLI19g4Qe-ISsbaXT-y7uyfPgfOmzXPew9bSGfl_Yvnayf810md2rKASVd3qV6ryprCnJLgQMmQ0qxMo5lIBEFxAA8zZnOWsrDOChfNwEBV5k/s1024/03_english.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1024" data-original-width="1024" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiLdXELZyJUWewATtvDxmvBJvyCa0PQOpUjHnMdv05wVt8UBrDa5-LEiJygvZdzlIlhUyy0U43lG2fSArsLI19g4Qe-ISsbaXT-y7uyfPgfOmzXPew9bSGfl_Yvnayf810md2rKASVd3qV6ryprCnJLgQMmQ0qxMo5lIBEFxAA8zZnOWsrDOChfNwEBV5k/w400-h400/03_english.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dear readers of "Albanian Chronicles,"</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this special time of the year, I want to take a break from our usual journeys into Albanian history and culture to extend a heartfelt message to each of you. The holiday season is a time for reflection, gratitude, and hope. We reflect on the past, cherish the present moments, and look forward to the future with hope. This year, together, we have explored fascinating chapters of our history, sharing knowledge and feeding our shared passion for Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As we draw near the end of the year, I wish to express my deepest thanks for your ongoing support. Your interest, comments, and participation make "Albanian Chronicles" a unique space for sharing and learning.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I wish you a Merry Christmas filled with joy and tranquility, and a New Year that brings health, happiness, and new discoveries. May 2024 be a year of achievements and fulfillment for all of you.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A warm thank you to all of you, and I look forward to continuing our journey together in the new year.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Happy holidays and a happy new year!</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">With affection,</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Elton Varfi</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-19356371766177321052023-12-16T15:00:00.000-08:002023-12-16T15:00:00.136-08:00The First Congress of Monastir: A Pivotal Chapter<h1 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b><b>The Congress of Monastir: A Decisive Turn for the Albanian Language in the 20th Century<br /></b><b>(November 14-22, 1908)</b></h1><h2 style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b><a href="https://amzn.to/3taN9Tp" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">By Elton Varfi</a></b></h2><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/12/kongresi-i-pare-i-manastirit-nje.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><br /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div><b><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/12/kongresi-i-pare-i-manastirit-nje.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lexo artikullin në shqip</a></b></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/12/primo-congresso-di-monastir-un-capitolo.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><i>In November 2023, the Albanian Prime Minister, Edi Rama, announced that November 22nd, known as the Alphabet Day, will be declared a national holiday in Albania. This decision follows the existing practice for Albanians in North Macedonia. The declaration was made during Rama's speech at the Diaspora Summit in Tirana.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/12_Dicembre/03_english.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a></i></div>
<h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>Introduction and Historical Context</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">In November 1908, during a period marked by national movements and conflicts across the Balkan region, a crucial event was about to deeply impact Albania's cultural and linguistic identity: the Congress of Monastir. In this historic city, now known as Bitola in North Macedonia, a group of Albanian intellectuals, linguists, and leaders gathered with a revolutionary goal: to establish a unified alphabet for the Albanian language, a crucial step for preserving and evolving Albanian culture during a time of significant changes.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiufxujMXHctirAulcRddKZON4x4BkvCWGdAougmJLA5eyGhnheAFSNKK9CsDyK-rDLtKb2CQSGfOPCYcUR9mGZMl5yBZqjkf9ho4DiJeaS_7Wji9beh1ALQBbjeMCs2PAn-bIOe4c_O2FJ62Hnep2mJTBVLT2TkjuzhdSsQTTsPQA5vlKAfXrv5TFQmHk/s1024/01_Objekti_i_Kongresit_t%C3%AB_Manastirit.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="683" data-original-width="1024" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiufxujMXHctirAulcRddKZON4x4BkvCWGdAougmJLA5eyGhnheAFSNKK9CsDyK-rDLtKb2CQSGfOPCYcUR9mGZMl5yBZqjkf9ho4DiJeaS_7Wji9beh1ALQBbjeMCs2PAn-bIOe4c_O2FJ62Hnep2mJTBVLT2TkjuzhdSsQTTsPQA5vlKAfXrv5TFQmHk/w320-h213/01_Objekti_i_Kongresit_t%C3%AB_Manastirit.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The former building of the Iliria Hotel, where the Congress of Monastir - the Congress of the Alphabet of the Albanian language, was held from November 14th to November 22nd, 1908. (Photo by Planeti, distributed under CC BY-SA 4.0 license.)</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh1i0q3OTsPOM-twBagPQNsxmPRcgCELbGExg7H3PCG6U8E-mp8Se3yJOQWi7eDemT183XbnRrcGPiji1NTPOvepWR1Ngb5W0ivUffX4MP7rkzer0xawmBITsK60fN6wlaNF7CEvGmCR8INMkFRXiU8T8kLE6slgnJXedYTQ0RFpohBZsKrYUQl1YuixTU/s1280/04_pllaka%20e%20Bitoles.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="617" data-original-width="1280" height="193" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh1i0q3OTsPOM-twBagPQNsxmPRcgCELbGExg7H3PCG6U8E-mp8Se3yJOQWi7eDemT183XbnRrcGPiji1NTPOvepWR1Ngb5W0ivUffX4MP7rkzer0xawmBITsK60fN6wlaNF7CEvGmCR8INMkFRXiU8T8kLE6slgnJXedYTQ0RFpohBZsKrYUQl1YuixTU/w400-h193/04_pllaka%20e%20Bitoles.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><o:p></o:p><p></p>
<div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Memorial plaque at the house in Bitola where the 1908 Congress for the Albanian Alphabet was held. (Photo by Zdravko, distributed under CC BY-SA 4.0 license).</span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the beginning of the 20th century, Albania, still under Ottoman rule, was a melting pot of burgeoning nationalism. The struggle for independence was gaining momentum, and the need for a unified language became increasingly pressing, emerging as a vital symbol of national identity and unity. In this context, the Congress of Monastir emerged as a crucial arena to address one of the most significant challenges for the nation's future: the unification of the Albanian language, which until then had been fragmented into various dialects and writing systems.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Thus, this congress was not merely a linguistic event; it represented a turning point in cultural and political history, a meeting point between the past, characterized by a divided language and external influences, and a future aspiring to independence and self-determination. The decision to unify the language under a single alphabet would have far-reaching implications, influencing not only everyday communication but also the educational, literary, and identity pathways of the Albanian people throughout the century.</div>
<h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Promoters of the Congress</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">Among the eminent personalities who took part in the Congress of Monastir were prominent figures such as Gjergj Fishta, Luigj Gurakuqi, and Mid'hat Frashëri. Each a visionary in their own right, these men had a deep understanding of the importance that a unified alphabet would have not only for the language but also as a symbol of national unity and cultural resistance in a period of intense political and social ferment.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gjergj Fishta, a renowned poet and writer, was a central figure in Albanian literature. His most famous work, "Lahuta e Malcís" (The Lute of the Highlands), is an epic poem exploring themes of Albanian history and folklore. His presence at the Congress of Monastir was indicative of his commitment to promoting Albanian culture, and his influence was crucial in guiding discussions on the adoption of the Latin alphabet.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Luigj Gurakuqi, another key promoter, was an intellectual and politician of great impact. His progressive vision and commitment to Albanian education and culture made him a prominent figure in the linguistic debate. Gurakuqi was one of the main advocates for the use of the Latin alphabet, seeing it as a means to modernize the language and facilitate communication with the outside world.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_PQUzQT4UXS9QzJ_8uSVILviYn_dFC9kpOLPYJFOVUh-bggkCPByjoK2MJmEPuhN6_wdE_5azhHELRTV9_L_yPauAIPVWIQFdQCc4xAEi0BWoUVc8iv0JaLgktdoxmZTS-GbEEGiTeSfAgLElURNrDB23i0KU1wHdX95KveCxI6apGOPgamdxyZZ3sdY/s793/02_Komisioni_i_Alfabetit_Monastir_1908.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="596" data-original-width="793" height="301" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_PQUzQT4UXS9QzJ_8uSVILviYn_dFC9kpOLPYJFOVUh-bggkCPByjoK2MJmEPuhN6_wdE_5azhHELRTV9_L_yPauAIPVWIQFdQCc4xAEi0BWoUVc8iv0JaLgktdoxmZTS-GbEEGiTeSfAgLElURNrDB23i0KU1wHdX95KveCxI6apGOPgamdxyZZ3sdY/w400-h301/02_Komisioni_i_Alfabetit_Monastir_1908.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The Commission of the Congress of Manastir in 1908. Photo by Kel Marubi. (Public domain).</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">1. Gjergj Fishta, 2. Mid'hat Frashëri, 3. Luigj Gurakuqi, 4. Gjergj Qiriazi, 5. Father Ndre Mjeda, 6. Grigor Cilka, 7. Dhimitër Buda, 8. Shahin Kolonja, 9. Sotir Peçi, 10. Bajo Topulli. 11. Nyxhet Vrioni</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mid'hat Frashëri, in turn, was a versatile personality: a diplomat, writer, and political leader. His international experience and deep understanding of European political dynamics provided a unique perspective at the Congress. Frashëri emphasized the importance of a unified alphabet not just for Albania's internal cohesion but also for its positioning on the international stage.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These men, along with other participants, represented a broad spectrum of skills and experiences, but were united by a common desire: to see the Albanian language flourish and become a vehicle for national expression. Their contribution to the Congress of Monastir was instrumental in shaping the decisions made and influencing the future direction of the Albanian language and culture.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In addition to Gjergj Fishta, Luigj Gurakuqi, and Mid'hat Frashëri, the Congress of Monastir was attended by other prominent members, each contributing significantly to the debate and final decision. Among them were figures like Parashqevi Qiriazi, a pioneer in women's education in Albania, Ndre Mjeda, another talented poet and linguist, and Shahin Kolonja, a key figure in the Albanian national movement.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Parashqevi Qiriazi was a women's rights activist and educator, whose work focused on the education and emancipation of Albanian women. Her presence at the Congress represented an important step forward for women's participation in national and cultural affairs. Qiriazi strongly supported the standardization of the language as a means for universal education and empowerment of women in Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ndre Mjeda, recognized for his contributions to Albanian poetry and linguistics, was another key protagonist. His knowledge of Albanian dialects and passion for preserving Albanian folk culture greatly enriched the debates. Mjeda advocated for an alphabet that reflected the phonetic peculiarities of the Albanian language, thus helping to bridge the gap between oral tradition and written literature.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Shahin Kolonja, known for his role in the Albanian national movement, brought to the Congress a political and pragmatic vision. He underscored how a unified alphabet could be a fundamental tool for strengthening national cohesion and resisting external influences, especially in a period of increasing political and cultural pressure from neighboring powers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These members, together with other Congress participants, formed an eclectic and dynamic group. Their diverse perspectives and expertise ensured that the Congress of Monastir was not just a linguistic event, but a crossroads of cultural, political, and social ideas. It was this rich diversity of thought and experience that gave the Congress its unifying strength and lasting impact on the history and culture of Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Objective of the Congress</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">The main goal of the Congress of Monastir was to address and resolve one of the most pressing and complex issues of Albania at that time: the literacy and standardization of the Albanian language. Prior to the Congress, the linguistic situation in Albania was marked by significant fragmentation. Various writing systems coexisted and competed with each other, including variants based on Latin, Cyrillic, and Arabic alphabets. This diversity was not only a reflection of the various historical and cultural influences that had shaped Albania, but also represented a tangible obstacle to effective communication and education.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The country, caught between traditions and external influences, faced the risk of losing its linguistic and cultural identity. The presence of different writing systems not only made communication difficult among various regions of the country but also hindered the development of a unified and accessible national literature. For example, finding reading materials that were universally understandable was challenging, severely limiting access to education and culture.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXtL37jWMDvLXxnBUr-EazH55fy7tRd-qvpd0QNQBfuvIO2wyoDOfGDGH5VFcku8T2L3jondf-YTRdCA2d1UdfNxSEOzXmmcBkA0k8xTkX8DtLpcL6U33g-loTQiIT-R60g2b0qU1Jn7mKnsHb3iMxJ3PA2ltT1zoiJYHJKvKsFc_kOFC1bnSzGt-N9qo/s779/05_Delegat%C3%ABt_e_Kongresit_t%C3%AB_Manastirit.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="584" data-original-width="779" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXtL37jWMDvLXxnBUr-EazH55fy7tRd-qvpd0QNQBfuvIO2wyoDOfGDGH5VFcku8T2L3jondf-YTRdCA2d1UdfNxSEOzXmmcBkA0k8xTkX8DtLpcL6U33g-loTQiIT-R60g2b0qU1Jn7mKnsHb3iMxJ3PA2ltT1zoiJYHJKvKsFc_kOFC1bnSzGt-N9qo/w400-h300/05_Delegat%C3%ABt_e_Kongresit_t%C3%AB_Manastirit.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><o:p></o:p><p></p>
<div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Delegates of the Congress of Manastir. Photo by Kel Marubi. (Public domain).</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Moreover, this fragmentation had political and social implications. Without a standard alphabet, promoting a sense of national unity was challenging, which was essential at a time when Albania was struggling for its independence. A unified alphabet was not just about facilitating communication; it was a symbol of unity and sovereignty, a means to consolidate Albanian identity in an era of changes.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Thus, the objective of the Congress of Monastir was to find a solution to this linguistic fragmentation by creating a single alphabet that could be adopted throughout the country. The organizers and participants were aware that the choice of a unified alphabet would have a profound and lasting impact on Albania's culture, education, and national identity. The final decision, therefore, had to be made with great consideration, taking into account not only the linguistic needs but also the political, cultural, and social implications that would ensue.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Alphabet Debate</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">The debate on the alphabet at the Congress of Monastir was one of the most significant and intense moments in the cultural and linguistic history of Albania. This discussion was not just a comparison between different writing systems but also reflected the deep tensions and diverse cultural and political influences that were crossing Albania at that time.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Before the Congress, Albania had a variety of writing systems for its language, the result of centuries of external and internal influences.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhi_Z8-479zzC7JElhh7ugGQiQO1pOHPGkZV6NWL2rB7WRS5IVbwIEGC-EnghbCei7xlSu9Ed8fRqBT35Fvui5qdSWXmzbS-of3JARm_ZQrwOuu77szXqNgR2JU9iSpfjnf9eG_F1Hdvhs8W8PdDK9dunTJf-RvZsaBZvpQ89HZ33KbV6jbctVJgxb2mgE/s1688/03_Vendim_i_Komisionit_p%C3%ABr_%C3%A7%C3%ABshtjen_e_Abc-%C3%ABs.png" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1688" data-original-width="1114" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhi_Z8-479zzC7JElhh7ugGQiQO1pOHPGkZV6NWL2rB7WRS5IVbwIEGC-EnghbCei7xlSu9Ed8fRqBT35Fvui5qdSWXmzbS-of3JARm_ZQrwOuu77szXqNgR2JU9iSpfjnf9eG_F1Hdvhs8W8PdDK9dunTJf-RvZsaBZvpQ89HZ33KbV6jbctVJgxb2mgE/s320/03_Vendim_i_Komisionit_p%C3%ABr_%C3%A7%C3%ABshtjen_e_Abc-%C3%ABs.png" width="211" /></a></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Letter of the decision made by the commission at the Congress of Monastir. (Public domain).</span></b></div>
<span><a name='more'></a></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">There were systems based on the Latin alphabet, mainly introduced by Franciscans and other Catholic missionaries in the North, while the Greek alphabet was primarily used in Orthodox liturgy in the South. Additionally, the Arabic alphabet was used for transcribing the Albanian language among Muslim communities, especially in religious literature.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The debate at the Congress of Monastir was heated and complex, with different factions advocating the superiority of one alphabet over another. Proponents of the Latin alphabet preferred it for its simplicity and greater affinity with modern European languages, a factor considered essential for Albania's cultural and political integration into Europe. Those favoring the Greek or Arabic alphabets, on the other hand, often did so based on religious or traditional reasons.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This debate was not merely a linguistic issue; it was intrinsically linked to questions of national identity, independence, and modernization. The choice of an alphabet was not just a practical decision to standardize the language; it was also a symbol of the path Albania would take in its political and cultural future.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the end, after intense discussions and considerations, the choice fell on the Latin alphabet. This decision was influenced by various factors, including the need for an Albanian language that was easily accessible and teachable, the desire to align more closely with European nations, and the aspiration for an alphabet that could effectively and fully express the sounds of the Albanian language.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The decision to adopt the Latin alphabet was not just a step towards linguistic modernization; it also represented an orientation towards Europe and a declaration of cultural and political independence. With this choice, Albania was affirming its aspiration to become an integral part of modern Europe, distancing itself from the Ottoman and Balkan influences that had dominated for centuries.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In conclusion, the debate on the alphabet at the Congress of Monastir was a turning point for the Albanian language and identity. The decision to adopt the Latin alphabet was not just a pragmatic choice to unify the language; it was a fundamental step towards the formation of a modern and independent Albanian national identity.</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Importance of the Congress of Monastir</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">The decision at the Congress of Monastir in 1908 to adopt a unified Latin alphabet for the Albanian language marked a historic turning point, with implications extending far beyond mere linguistic standardization. This event heralded a new era for Albania, profoundly influencing its literature, education, culture, and even its national identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Before the Congress, linguistic fragmentation in Albania was a major obstacle to the dissemination of culture and education. The diversity of alphabets limited the production and distribution of educational and literary materials, making it difficult for Albanians to access educational and cultural resources. With the adoption of the Latin alphabet, a path was paved for the creation of a more cohesive national education system and for the dissemination of literature that reflected and united the diverse voices and traditions of the country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The unified Latin alphabet greatly facilitated the publication of books, newspapers, and other written materials in Albanian. This had a significant impact on literacy and education in Albania, allowing an increasing number of people to access education and culture. Literacy, in turn, was a key factor in promoting national awareness and Albanian identity, at a time when the country was struggling for its independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Moreover, the adoption of a unified Latin alphabet opened the doors to greater cultural and academic exchange with other European nations. Albania, through this linguistic choice, oriented itself towards the West and demonstrated its desire to be an integral part of Europe. This openness not only favored the country's cultural and educational modernization but also helped establish stronger ties with other European nations, both in terms of cultural collaborations and diplomatic relations.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXf4Z_mskwRNs0DZ70XV9Wj6mXoqPm2761QHSsT1ZsLh94QBoyRf-IDRwhJYuK7ij4ktV8qOXi7ztMsweVnKi2G94fiDyR-jRegoVKlk3Yz8NIAZvlfe9Wru5Hn1NqFy5mgkUbvrKNTCAbTiluqQENFKtzaPoO4ZaXghkS1FxRx9S6WEJcKftNxGzZLSk/s648/06_Albanian_Alphabet_from_Manastir_Congress.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="648" data-original-width="422" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXf4Z_mskwRNs0DZ70XV9Wj6mXoqPm2761QHSsT1ZsLh94QBoyRf-IDRwhJYuK7ij4ktV8qOXi7ztMsweVnKi2G94fiDyR-jRegoVKlk3Yz8NIAZvlfe9Wru5Hn1NqFy5mgkUbvrKNTCAbTiluqQENFKtzaPoO4ZaXghkS1FxRx9S6WEJcKftNxGzZLSk/w260-h400/06_Albanian_Alphabet_from_Manastir_Congress.jpg" width="260" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The official decision on the final Albanian alphabet, chosen by the Congress of Monastir in 1908. (Public domain).</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The decision made in Monastir also had a significant impact on the development of Albanian literature. Writers now had a standardized alphabet to express their ideas, thereby enabling the birth of a national Albanian literature. Literary works that reflected the experiences, history, and aspirations of the Albanian people began to emerge, contributing to defining and strengthening the country's cultural identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In conclusion, the Congress of Monastir was not just a linguistic event; it was a catalyst for the cultural and national awakening of Albania. The choice of the Latin alphabet not only unified the language but also helped forge a cohesive Albanian nationality and facilitated its integration into modern Europe. The legacy of this decision continues to be felt in Albania, influencing its culture, education, and position in the European context.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>Conclusion</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">The Congress of Monastir, held in November 1908, transcends its role as a mere linguistic event to assume a prominent position in the history of Albania. This congress was not just a moment of linguistic decision-making but became a beacon of hope and a symbol of unity for a nation in search of its identity and independence. The choice to adopt a unified alphabet was a crucial step in building a strong and cohesive national identity, a key element for a country emerging from centuries of external domination and seeking to assert its sovereignty and culture.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The decision to adopt the Latin alphabet unified the country under a single written language, simplifying communication across different regions of Albania and among Albanians around the world. The standardization of the language facilitated the spread of education, enabling a greater number of Albanians to access reading and writing. This development had a significant impact on literacy and education throughout the country, contributing to raising the level of public awareness and civic participation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Moreover, the choice of the Latin alphabet paved the way for Albania to engage in broader cultural exchange with the rest of Europe. This Western orientation helped to form and strengthen cultural and political ties with other nations, significantly contributing to the country's modernization and democratization process. The decision made in Monastir was a clear signal that Albania aspired to become an integral part of modern Europe, marking its detachment from Ottoman and Balkan influences.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today, more than a century after that historic congress, the importance and impact of those decisions are still profoundly felt. The unified alphabet not only allowed for the creation of a national Albanian literature and the dissemination of a common culture but also played a crucial role in forging a sense of Albanian national identity. The Albanian language, thanks to that choice, has become a powerful tool of cultural and political expression, a bond that unites Albanians despite their diverse historical and geographical experiences.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In conclusion, the Congress of Monastir was much more than a meeting of linguists and intellectuals; it was a decisive moment in Albanian history, a turning point that has shaped the country's direction for decades to come. The decisions made in those days have left a lasting legacy, influencing not only the Albanian language and culture but also the Albanian people's self-perception and their place in the world.</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Bibliography:<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">1. Elsie, Robert.
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">5. Lloshi, Xhevat.
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<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br /></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list; text-align: center;"><div><b><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/12/kongresi-i-pare-i-manastirit-nje.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lexo artikullin në shqip</a></b></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/12/primo-congresso-di-monastir-un-capitolo.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
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<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/12_Dicembre/03_english.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></span></span></span></a></p><blockquote><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/12_Dicembre/03_english.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">“November 22 declared a national
holiday in Albania”, available Euronews Albania [https://euronews.al/en/november-22-declared-a-national-holiday-in-albania/]</span></blockquote><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"></span><o:p></o:p><p></p>
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</div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0Bitola, Macedonia del Nord41.0296773 21.329216412.310689492328798 -13.8270336 69.7486651076712 56.4854664tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-90814670756276076622023-11-28T15:00:00.000-08:002023-11-28T15:00:00.141-08:00The New Albania<h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>Editor's Note</b></h3><div style="text-align: justify;">In presenting this historical document on my blog, I wish to emphasize that the information and references contained herein reflect the context and knowledge available at the time of their original writing. As the curator of this space, my goal is to preserve the historical and cultural authenticity of the texts, while acknowledging that some perspectives and interpretations may have evolved or differ over time. This publication aims to offer readers an immersion into the era described, maintaining a faithful respect for its historical reality.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>The New Albania</b></h1><b><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b>Lovett F. Edwards</b></h3><div style="text-align: center;"><div style="font-weight: 400;"><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/11/shqiperia-e-re.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div style="font-weight: 400;"><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/11/la-nuova-albania.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div></b><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><i>The following article was written in December 1945<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/11_Novembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a>, but conditions in Albania have not changed materially enough since then to diminish its value as a description of the background against which events, not only in Albania but over a great part of the Balkans, are to be viewed.</i></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqHUHvveZx4UsDsxQNMxjwc73IK57l6yzeZeeSOxQISaAJJI3Kp3gkfv0ViYZd-wdlJ2X_NE32ZO6QIpZB_Mu8niNy5n-XfgJa6A-z-R2EvIctwhl9wbr4CIM15TWcolB3E6E4yAhasFErvoWxzIlc5jKVFMayn-h8WBNPF0Z7J2ApMhI9wiNJ1L5l-0k/s2870/00.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2870" data-original-width="2159" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqHUHvveZx4UsDsxQNMxjwc73IK57l6yzeZeeSOxQISaAJJI3Kp3gkfv0ViYZd-wdlJ2X_NE32ZO6QIpZB_Mu8niNy5n-XfgJa6A-z-R2EvIctwhl9wbr4CIM15TWcolB3E6E4yAhasFErvoWxzIlc5jKVFMayn-h8WBNPF0Z7J2ApMhI9wiNJ1L5l-0k/w241-h320/00.jpg" width="241" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">POST-WAR Europe is still filled with hatreds and suspicions, but behind all these lies a desire for better conditions and for a system of government in which the people, in the widest sense of the word, are to play a part. At the moment, there are two principal theories whereby this result is to be attained: the Anglo-American and the Soviet. They have not inaptly been named political democracy and economic democracy. Each pays lip service to the ideals of the other. They are not incompatible, but twenty years of embittered propaganda before the war have made them appear so.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgxvHumTmZEmGcaGEXBbREQtfJ1uAylr16R293beRPSQxsC9veH6mm9zUI28-KSQOd6ImnxGYP8xpCc1H3JO_6Cr8FEsIUnHOY6Uq-glWZygNHbaIF7FrJFabMrbDN9Mu52Qws4oh0p3AFSHVFZ9UPkoFCEdzwbk6tiZtcVTGDf0kfa1lTX_iCTwAvbTjE/s1674/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1219" data-original-width="1674" height="291" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgxvHumTmZEmGcaGEXBbREQtfJ1uAylr16R293beRPSQxsC9veH6mm9zUI28-KSQOd6ImnxGYP8xpCc1H3JO_6Cr8FEsIUnHOY6Uq-glWZygNHbaIF7FrJFabMrbDN9Mu52Qws4oh0p3AFSHVFZ9UPkoFCEdzwbk6tiZtcVTGDf0kfa1lTX_iCTwAvbTjE/w400-h291/01.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The Dajti mountain near Tirana, the capital of Albania.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><span style="line-height: 107%;"></span></p><div style="text-align: justify;">Between the geographical limits of these two conceptions of a new world order lie the Balkan countries, which have accepted the ideals inherent in both these systems. They are now trying to work out a democracy of their own, not modeled slavishly either on Anglo-Saxon or on Soviet forms but containing many features common to both and adapted to the needs of peoples who, though brave, intelligent, and hard-working, are still politically immature and to a considerable extent illiterate. Their governments are in the hands of men who have personally fought for the liberty they are now trying to mold into a political shape, men of goodwill and driving power, though often of little experience. Of this vast experiment, what is to be born?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Amongst the Balkan peoples who have fought bravely and successfully for their national liberty, perhaps the least known and the most interesting are the Albanians. For Albania has, so to speak, changed overnight from a picturesque country of rich landlords, backward peasantry, and feudal customs, to a political entity of quite another type.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In fact, the Albanians are trying to create in a few months or years a new state of society. The result is bound to be interesting.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To understand it, one must know something of the most recent history of Albania. This history is very little known to us, but I may assume that its main outlines are sufficiently familiar up to the Italian invasion of 1939, the flight of King Zog, and the consequent attempts of the Italians to bend the Albanian people to the Fascist system of government. Thenceforward the story is obscure. The world canvas was too overcharged for any save a few experts to interest themselves in what was happening in this mountainous and distant corner of the Balkans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In July and August 1943, German troops began to arrive in Albania. Formerly, they had only passed to and fro on their way between Greece and Yugoslavia, where the Partisan armies were already in operation. Neubacher, the stormy petrel of South-East Europe, arrived in Tirana to take over control in the name of the Führer, first by underground methods and later, after the Italian armistice of September 1943, more or less openly. On September 9, the German army, forestalling any effective action by the Italian 9th Army then in occupation, took practical control of the country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Technically, Albania was in a curious position. As a part of the Italian Empire, the puppet government then in control had declared war on the Allies and, later, was not specifically included in the September armistice. From the German point of view, Albania might have been regarded as a friendly and Allied state. At any rate, the Germans were content with a de facto occupation and set up an Albanian National Committee which, in the words of the official German news bureau, "was to assume responsibility for the Albanian nation on the basis of independence of the Albanian state". One of the first acts of this Committee was to revoke the decision of 1939 by which Albania was included in the Italian Empire and the throne offered to the House of Savoy, and also all decrees and laws passed since that date which were considered to endanger the interests of the state. These included the decree of June 1940 whereby Albania had declared war on the Allies. Thus, Albania, from a strictly legal point of view, became a neutral and independent state. To those unable to see the hollowness of these pretensions, the Germans could, and did, pose as the liberators of the Albanians and succeeded in inveigling many Albanians of good reputation to join them. It seemed that the Germans had pulled the chestnuts out of the fire and created another satellite state of the New Order in Europe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But there was another side to the story. Ever since the Italian occupation, there had been Albanian Resistance movements of one kind or another, some of them mere sporadic bandit outbreaks, some of them sufficiently organized and protracted to be considered serious opponents of the local Fascist régime. It was a time of obscure struggle, out of which the leading parties and figures of the war of national liberation were to be born.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Albania's capital, Tirana, has a normal population of only 30,000; but its modern quarter compares favourably with other Balkan capitals. This it owes to the Italians, and most of their well-constructed buildings have survived the hard fighting that took place when the Germans were driven out in November 1944. Many of the smaller, older houses are, however, in ruins.</span></b></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9TF_EkI4ZLnMG6fUzfkzNdezL7wrC7fTPTEEUBNogfINlfkx_6-6KtZhJfzli_CHKlnhVOOrVOAc0JIBsnKea3HPKzKTcH5iTDgs6Vzti_Ih2HPnugFJ1Wiwf8P9TB2bwSApytmqmw3KvHZTPv-AyLSu0Aw5v0PrmB792jJ9wmmdwwT1Ufu0qq7wK_Vs/s1287/02.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="870" data-original-width="1287" height="270" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9TF_EkI4ZLnMG6fUzfkzNdezL7wrC7fTPTEEUBNogfINlfkx_6-6KtZhJfzli_CHKlnhVOOrVOAc0JIBsnKea3HPKzKTcH5iTDgs6Vzti_Ih2HPnugFJ1Wiwf8P9TB2bwSApytmqmw3KvHZTPv-AyLSu0Aw5v0PrmB792jJ9wmmdwwT1Ufu0qq7wK_Vs/w400-h270/02.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A bridge near Tirana wrecked by the Germans in their retreat</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRJ9hdIVqe2NxOrn8CnBW2gPhyt7SxY0GY7WX0xyWZCaKKa05vRMEY9Ym3zpHeq7EIy2cXvfG_slVVg85t3EWV3tpUzADNviGx62ERMBjJFgG_b9TiyWe2NQ6tuYuF258pYHKIoCZuXFq3dbs2wq4i7yveZwZ4zEyCbBYWlYG-cACRM_cMHRU2EMgP_jQ/s1270/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="963" data-original-width="1270" height="304" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRJ9hdIVqe2NxOrn8CnBW2gPhyt7SxY0GY7WX0xyWZCaKKa05vRMEY9Ym3zpHeq7EIy2cXvfG_slVVg85t3EWV3tpUzADNviGx62ERMBjJFgG_b9TiyWe2NQ6tuYuF258pYHKIoCZuXFq3dbs2wq4i7yveZwZ4zEyCbBYWlYG-cACRM_cMHRU2EMgP_jQ/w400-h304/03.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">An Albanian sniper in the battle of Tirana, November 1944</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7ZheRGkmKZMl9MVokDn87jybn2zACkGcDsDGA8w0asSS2Dy7XWARt-f2ecOU9qD9_vOv314T7gl4x3rnjhmagt9WSiyD59HT1wmQRJl6A8dsf3_dN-CPM_uOirZQvizTaG24tjO_E6lFCn-In_L9dFwbOV07SjJkpd6GNkj8mnqlszObrcYe-4C1OhnQ/s1276/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="905" data-original-width="1276" height="284" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7ZheRGkmKZMl9MVokDn87jybn2zACkGcDsDGA8w0asSS2Dy7XWARt-f2ecOU9qD9_vOv314T7gl4x3rnjhmagt9WSiyD59HT1wmQRJl6A8dsf3_dN-CPM_uOirZQvizTaG24tjO_E6lFCn-In_L9dFwbOV07SjJkpd6GNkj8mnqlszObrcYe-4C1OhnQ/w400-h284/04.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Members of the Youth Labour Brigade cleaning up war damage.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span>The two main groups of General Mihailovich and Marshal Tito, and finally concentrated in the latter, had commenced. With this movement, the various Albanian groups had close connections, and their development followed a somewhat similar course. By the time the real struggle against the Germans commenced, towards the end of 1943, the minor groups had ceased to be of any real political importance, and of the two major Resistance movements, the Balli Kombëtar<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/11_Novembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftn2">[2]</a> or Patriotic Front, and the National Liberation Movement under Enver Hoxha, the former had gradually retired from any active resistance and finally joined the Germans openly in their attempts to crush Enver Hoxha's Partisans. The Legality Party of Abas Kupi, which tried to keep alive a sense of loyalty to King Zog and had few adherents except among members of the Mati tribe, of which Zog and Kupi are both members, took little part in the struggle and finally disintegrated.</p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Soon after the last German had been driven from the capital, the Provisional Government held a parade of all those elements of the nation which had contributed to the success of their Resistance. The Partisan army took pride of place, saluting war-widows on the reviewing stand. Festivities brought out treasured heirlooms in the shape of national costumes.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTyCzV-GB5T3mSvy_M4VkqtkaX-aydv_H1NsrAUz-xt53guAG3gctaYJRvgGl513NAWPH9L9qrqzSL5Jqj3Q8i6utgMqA_egteOOvaa14WEBjrU3RHcUtEwx_o8q4K9vGJN32JB3yuTnZevzKse7lXptpYXELj8EWIDDb4muKy1UKgQzrWX4kVdcUqOs8/s1285/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="895" data-original-width="1285" height="279" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTyCzV-GB5T3mSvy_M4VkqtkaX-aydv_H1NsrAUz-xt53guAG3gctaYJRvgGl513NAWPH9L9qrqzSL5Jqj3Q8i6utgMqA_egteOOvaa14WEBjrU3RHcUtEwx_o8q4K9vGJN32JB3yuTnZevzKse7lXptpYXELj8EWIDDb4muKy1UKgQzrWX4kVdcUqOs8/w400-h279/05.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The National Liberation Army marches past: note the woman soldier.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0xDvNQdtJX2IGyXkx-KzIXxxQG7F18t94FtfrntNE_3JWiQpoVTMPkZJ9m5oWax5FjDoetZ3Cw0LAS08DBa1KeOcOTCwH-h8ELPBI2FOsXmucKj59CQNSNEZXIHvn8wGv5GtHDVTBj4BS7lhqGf8W3h2stBHhrHAyghQk0p6WgA6yJlXAgQasdHCAOKE/s1296/06.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="931" data-original-width="1296" height="288" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0xDvNQdtJX2IGyXkx-KzIXxxQG7F18t94FtfrntNE_3JWiQpoVTMPkZJ9m5oWax5FjDoetZ3Cw0LAS08DBa1KeOcOTCwH-h8ELPBI2FOsXmucKj59CQNSNEZXIHvn8wGv5GtHDVTBj4BS7lhqGf8W3h2stBHhrHAyghQk0p6WgA6yJlXAgQasdHCAOKE/w400-h288/06.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A group of girls in national costume, with richly ornamented jackets.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjuoKeLQCIYP_s8WIIqtRCrreoUfpiMw3uHMYVtPNnhyphenhyphenJFzuC9FXt4eygi2rD7PSxDQlXlCqgDKjgB2j39KetbndQz7EqjEls3izsp8mZfmWDmVBUspgPNs76yB-NV4FcAs921r5KTOgZqtGyGeuPg5DoYDigfKymYGb5M2-gtLGRLq9RYRJbLyvEPSSE/s1282/07.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="864" data-original-width="1282" height="270" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjuoKeLQCIYP_s8WIIqtRCrreoUfpiMw3uHMYVtPNnhyphenhyphenJFzuC9FXt4eygi2rD7PSxDQlXlCqgDKjgB2j39KetbndQz7EqjEls3izsp8mZfmWDmVBUspgPNs76yB-NV4FcAs921r5KTOgZqtGyGeuPg5DoYDigfKymYGb5M2-gtLGRLq9RYRJbLyvEPSSE/w400-h270/07.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Mothers and relatives of fallen Partisans join in the procession.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">As in Yugoslavia, the Partisan movement was originally created and organized by the Communist party, but it cannot be too often pointed out that the Balkan Communists were, and are, also ardent patriots with a clear-cut scheme not only of Partisan warfare but also of eventual social and political reform which they are now putting into practice. This programme, if carefully considered with a view to local conditions, would win the support of any fair-minded Englishman, and if their methods have sometimes been a trifle violent, it cannot be expected of a Balkan people that they will deal temperately with persons whom they consider less as political enemies than as collaborators with the enemy and therefore traitors both to their party and to their country. In fact, both in Yugoslavia and Albania, the Partisan movement has rallied to its cause many of the finest elements, irrespective of their party.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Amongst other powerful forces operating for the Partisan movement was the Bektashi Moslem sect, a sort of Protestant Islam, which has very great influence in Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Without going too deeply into the events of the War of National Liberation, I will attempt to outline its main course.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3qPILTqRe1xqxsY-eG7tUCBy_Y1UohuNmFH2W1prrY9RAVNfomalykId481Y7BtjkthznKpTaJZXKkkSEI_ZI3ShH1DszluDKQFaqhBjXFYXRvH4zImMNzJvKT12CYA-89ft3SAIPYLgQ3KK4kIFJPNx1kPvwCU83lfBu8v48PGUOTZtNgmUkjZMN2u8/s2001/09.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1374" data-original-width="2001" height="275" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3qPILTqRe1xqxsY-eG7tUCBy_Y1UohuNmFH2W1prrY9RAVNfomalykId481Y7BtjkthznKpTaJZXKkkSEI_ZI3ShH1DszluDKQFaqhBjXFYXRvH4zImMNzJvKT12CYA-89ft3SAIPYLgQ3KK4kIFJPNx1kPvwCU83lfBu8v48PGUOTZtNgmUkjZMN2u8/w400-h275/09.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A few miles from Tirana is the village of Petrella, where the author was interned by the Italians in 1941. The castle of Petrella, dating from 1443, was a stronghold of Skanderbeg (1405-68), Albania's national hero. Baptized George Castriota, he was renamed Skanderbeg (Alexander Bey) at the Turkish court and became a general. In 1443, he led an Albanian revolt and for 25 years kept powerful Turkish forces at bay.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXZIJL2lbNe8rJn35iIQkdsf20cEzKGDvQGwC1It7qU_QNaXdHCPHMX8P0g-RJ6J9-DXRFXOTf1SUfis9k3vmF6zdtTWfTUg7_6nsXEwvbxmRz-Oz1PI4Q5JI8H5oizdIX0jOVXKtKhK5TeX3zFLNLEZnRdixP3Eyi4riM1E3MAyg_pRkhvCgM00dl220/s2578/08.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2578" data-original-width="2001" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXZIJL2lbNe8rJn35iIQkdsf20cEzKGDvQGwC1It7qU_QNaXdHCPHMX8P0g-RJ6J9-DXRFXOTf1SUfis9k3vmF6zdtTWfTUg7_6nsXEwvbxmRz-Oz1PI4Q5JI8H5oizdIX0jOVXKtKhK5TeX3zFLNLEZnRdixP3Eyi4riM1E3MAyg_pRkhvCgM00dl220/w310-h400/08.jpg" width="310" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The valley of the Erzen seen from Petrella Castle.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span>During 1943 the Germans took the offensive and drove the Partisans away from the coastal ports and into the mountains, where they remained for some time, replenishing their numbers and their morale. By the summer of 1944, their numbers had so increased that they were able to attack German strong points with the aid of Allied aviation. By the end of the year, it was clear that the Germans were trying to get out of the Balkans, and the Partisan troops were able to take the offensive, harry their lines of communication, and destroy their transport and sometimes even their heavy armour. Even now, one still finds masses of twisted iron and steel along the Albanian roads that were once the tanks and lorries of the Wehrmacht. Later, they even attacked the Germans in the principal towns and forced them to retreat before they had intended, often with heavy loss. These battles, carried out with comparatively small forces on the Partisan side, were frequently very fierce. The fighting for the capital, Tirana, lasted nineteen days, and one can still see the toll taken in devastated houses, mosques, and public buildings. By the end of November 1944, Shkodra (Scutari), the most northerly city of Albania was liberated, and there were no more Germans on Albanian soil. The retreating columns were flying to the north, still harried by the Albanians, into the haunts of the stronger and better-organized Partisan battalions of Marshal Tito.</p><div style="text-align: justify;">That is a very bald account of the struggle carried out by a small people for its liberty and independence, and it is the men who organized and carried out that struggle who rule Albania today. They are fighters and generally look it; and they are not always tender to those whom they consider their enemies. But they are at least manly in their treatment of their prisoners, and there is little or none of that revolting cruelty which has stained the reputation during this war of many peoples whom we are wont to consider far more civilized. In the summer of 1941, I was myself captured in Montenegro by the Italians and confined for some months in the political prison at Tirana. This winter, I again visited the place of my imprisonment and, though any prison looks about the same, I found the present occupants less crowded, cleaner, and treated far more humanely than were myself and my companions, several of whom now hold high positions in the Albanian state.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Another point cannot be too strongly emphasized when speaking of the Partisan struggle in the Balkans: however fanatic and well-organized, no Partisan army could have resisted the long campaigns, especially in the bitter Balkan winter, without the active help of the mass of the people, the peasants. In the long hours when the Partisans were resting in the peasant houses, waiting for the German columns, they not only prepared their order of battle, but also discussed their political ideals with the peasants who fed and supported them. That is the strength of the new Albania. The peasants supported the fighters, most of whom were themselves peasants. They got to know and to approve the Partisan programme of Enver Hoxha, and today the peasants, more than 90 per cent of the population, support the Partisan reforms. As long as this spiritual bond lasts, the Partisan movement will be strong in the Balkans. If it is weakened by political experiment, then almost anything may happen. At present, save for a certain amount of inevitable post-war reaction, the bond is still strong.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I was talking with the director of the national finances of Albania and he said that the thing that struck him most in this new Albania that has arisen, was the altered bearing of the peasants who came to pay their taxes. In former days the peasant was more or less a serf in the districts where the rich begs held their lands—a good part of the country. He was servile, suspicious, and obviously hostile. Today he walks as a free man, the owner of his land, and conscious that he is a participant in his own state. Incidentally, he pays far less taxes. In old days the condition of the tenant farmers was feudal in the worst sense of the word. The peasant farmed the land and kept the flocks and herds. For the mere fact of ownership, the landlord took from him a third of his field produce and what he pleased of his animals. Further, the peasant had to provide free transport for the beg when and where required. There were also other charges. To find a parallel to such conditions in English history one must go back to the days of Stephen or John. For the real basis of the Partisan states is the agrarian reform, which is in fact no more than the age-old cry of all peasant social reformers: 'The land to him who works it'. But in Albania, it is a new cry and has created a new class of peasant farmers who are the ardent supporters of the New Order. At Lushnja, for example, I have seen peasants come to the central committee office of the Albanian National Front to ask, 'When shall I be able to vote? I want to thank the government for the land that it has given me.' Whatever may be said of the parades and processions in the capital, this sort of thing is not faked, and it is this, rather than the shouting and the reiterated inscriptions, that makes the strength of the movement.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">So far, the reform has been applied mainly in the rich lands of the Musikaja and Korça plains, where it is a comparatively easy matter to allot the farming lands. It will be more difficult in the mountains where fields are small and the land infertile, as critics have quite rightly pointed out. But I can hardly think that the government will try to scamp a reform so essential both to the people and to themselves, and if a certain exchange of population from the arid mountains to the rich plains is involved, it will probably not be a bad thing. At the time of writing, I have just come back from a longish tour of southern Albania. This part of the country I had not known before the war, but had heard much of it from the enthusiastic reports of many friends. They would be sorely grieved to see it now. In the larger towns—Korça, Argyrokastro, Elbasan, Tirana—only a certain number of damaged buildings tell of the passage of war, though nearly a quarter of picturesque Berat has been burnt. But visit the smaller towns, once so beautiful. Kelcyre is a cluster of makeshift huts and a dirty market-place above a ruined bridge; Permet is so battered that it is doubtful if it will be possible to rebuild it on the same site, and it is hard to tell the houses from the roughly cobbled winding streets; in Leskovik, once a popular health resort famous for its wines, only four houses remain habitable. The lovely villages along the road to Korça—Barmash, Borova, Vithkuq, and many others—are now merely formless heaps of stone. But there is little use making a disquisition on modern ruins now; most of us have seen far too many of them. The point here is that for miles and miles there is nothing else.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In mitigation of this desolate story, it is pleasant to know that the relief programme of the United Nations is becoming very effective.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEikb8lurWY5q9L0cxL4VlX7EIHnVml123TQHI4Y9rkiontYw5AVHFxaW-b8Fb3A_cjb5rz-bg7Mr_VbRRX4hljKng7Lrqas4j8mfYzC15hwp953eNqqYUE4b1M0vZMogZR6JLpFcGDHLFBVMxIChcb9JnPOEpSia4arKvCVOizaU4uSdn9RfECyhhib3yo/s1670/10.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1097" data-original-width="1670" height="263" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEikb8lurWY5q9L0cxL4VlX7EIHnVml123TQHI4Y9rkiontYw5AVHFxaW-b8Fb3A_cjb5rz-bg7Mr_VbRRX4hljKng7Lrqas4j8mfYzC15hwp953eNqqYUE4b1M0vZMogZR6JLpFcGDHLFBVMxIChcb9JnPOEpSia4arKvCVOizaU4uSdn9RfECyhhib3yo/w400-h263/10.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Albania has no railways, no navigable rivers, and the road shown above is no worse than many. Despite these very poor communications, UNRRA distributed over 600,000 tons of supplies, which included 50,000 tons of foodstuffs, in the nine months since relief operations began in Albania in August 1945, providing 520 vehicles for their conveyance.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJ47HooybbeJwh1U6HB6_EUfA4Wz6-eDQfY2cEmEdJjpiew3dKNCVVdwky7ynpU-04ivjdSuY0EQe-q48O8oqLIjbf1pfU9GEdkehmo3eVO1QtHKulvcM1w_Y-N_D05Kh8iRj9N9A15tKgYxKEfMJCvJx-VckW-bMiviOzVU9iSmSR_dRdBNH2_gfC1bA/s1676/11.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1096" data-original-width="1676" height="261" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJ47HooybbeJwh1U6HB6_EUfA4Wz6-eDQfY2cEmEdJjpiew3dKNCVVdwky7ynpU-04ivjdSuY0EQe-q48O8oqLIjbf1pfU9GEdkehmo3eVO1QtHKulvcM1w_Y-N_D05Kh8iRj9N9A15tKgYxKEfMJCvJx-VckW-bMiviOzVU9iSmSR_dRdBNH2_gfC1bA/w400-h261/11.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-weight: bold;">UNRRA flour being landed at Durazzo.</span></div><div><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although work only commenced in August this year, much has already been done, and the warehouses of Durazzo (Durrës) and Valona (Vlone) are full of goods, food, medical requirements, and clothes. Here, however, as throughout the Balkans, the real trouble is, and for some time will be, that of transport. Albania has no railways and no navigable rivers; therefore, all goods must be transported by road. However much there may be in the port warehouses, this is of little good to the mountain villages until some means of transport is available. Shipping difficulties – the Germans destroyed the port installations – held this up for some little time. But on the day I left Tirana, UNRRA<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/11_Novembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftn3">[3]</a> officials had arranged for the delivery of lorries through the Yugoslav port of Gruž, and a first large convoy arrived at Tirana. It was in itself an impressive sight. But it became more impressive when one recalled that food distribution by lorry in these southern areas of devastation is a race against death. For the upland villages, when once snowbound, are cut off from the world for months at a time, and without an adequate supply of food, the people living in them are almost certainly condemned to death by slow starvation.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhobaD2e1elxzjAlNUUc2OxapfyoJRGKusbCZ_uo9e3s-s98em9N6ITUxpGdLscPwLhLbuzwgph4itb5kX2MHzdmp_v6aVAutKL9Nw-P_3-9Zw2kqHMCskH5QuFFwIqf3w7f0FnIvW4dHTYxbvfQBJJOF1teKCoRUbS5G83tV8PQeU3gEMpgb-1pIKb870/s2079/13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2079" data-original-width="806" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhobaD2e1elxzjAlNUUc2OxapfyoJRGKusbCZ_uo9e3s-s98em9N6ITUxpGdLscPwLhLbuzwgph4itb5kX2MHzdmp_v6aVAutKL9Nw-P_3-9Zw2kqHMCskH5QuFFwIqf3w7f0FnIvW4dHTYxbvfQBJJOF1teKCoRUbS5G83tV8PQeU3gEMpgb-1pIKb870/w155-h400/13.jpg" width="155" /></a></div><b style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Many thousands of young people helped the Partisan army during the years of resistance. The Youth Movement even had its own 'underground' newspaper, regularly published despite enemy occupation. This boy is speaking at a Youth Congress.</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Agriculture, the staple of the Albanian people, has suffered very severely during the war. Not only have farms and villages been destroyed and the flocks and herds reduced to a fraction of their pre-war strength, but the fields themselves have been left untilled for many years, and agricultural production has consequently dropped. One of the effects of the agrarian reform has been a threefold increase in the area sown in 1945, but it will be some time before this advance is evident in production. In the agricultural field, the work of UNRRA has been of inestimable value. It has imported quantities of seed wheat and also forage crop seeds, fertilizers, and machinery. A number of tractors have been imported, and the Albanians taught how to use them. At first suspicious, the peasants have now begun to realize their value. UNRRA, however, is trying to introduce even more far-reaching improvements in agricultural production. It is not its job to regenerate Albanian agriculture, but it is its job to see that the masses get enough food, and an extensive scheme of irrigation will do much to help this. In some fields near Shkodra, production would increase from four to forty quintals of wheat with more adequate irrigation. UNRRA is also importing up to 5000 head of cattle, a number of selected animals for breeding, and about two million vines to help in the recovery of the wine trade.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Those who criticize UNRRA's operations those in the more accessible parts of Europe may have good reasons; but the aid it provides is a necessity for these out-of-the-way Balkan lands, and no considerations of policy or personal pique should be allowed to hinder the valuable work it is doing.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">What, you may ask, remains of Albania as a land? Is it still the old picturesque, mediaeval land that has so often been described? It is not. Of course, no one can change the shapes of the mountains and the river gorges. The natural beauty and grandeur of the land cannot be diminished. But the human genius for destruction has certainly done its best to remove all the handiwork of man. And the new Albania that will be, and is being, rebuilt will not be the same as the old.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Besides the material destruction, there have been other changes that the tourist may regret since he only looks at the country and does not have to live in it but which the people themselves have accepted. We may regret the picturesque crowd of gaily dressed semi-savages who lent such colour to the landscape. But no one of goodwill can regret anything else. Probably for the first time, townspeople and peasants have become inextricably intermingled. Survivors from the devastated villages have found shelter in the larger towns. In the Partisan battles, the townsmen have fought beside, or been commanded by, peasants. On the other hand, the peasants have seen the townsmen doing work for which they know they themselves have neither the education nor the experience. The tendency towards a false sophistication which the Italians had begun to import into Tirana society - the Albanians describe them as masters in corruption - has been ruthlessly checked, and few traces remain. Thanks to these same Italians, who are excellent builders, the modern quarter of Tirana is probably the most comfortable and luxurious of all Balkan capitals, though still on a small scale. But the citizens of Tirana have not thereby become separated from the mass of the people whom they must organize and control.</div><span></span><div style="text-align: justify;">There are two other results of the war which are of first-rate importance in the development of the Albanian people - the emancipation of women and the struggle against illiteracy. Before the war, the Albanian woman, save for a few beautiful and well-educated leaders in Tirana and perhaps Korça, was a byword. A proverb of the Dalmatian coast puts the situation very well: 'There are three things that get no rest; a Dalmatian donkey, a Catholic church-bell, and an Albanian wife.' In the Partisan</div><div style="text-align: justify;">struggle, women took a leading part. Many actually fought in the ranks or even became officers. They did well. As an Albanian officer put it to me, 'Some of them did extraordinary deeds of bravery, and we too fought better and harder. We could not let it be seen that a woman was a better soldier than we were.' Others nursed, did necessary secretarial or propaganda work behind the lines. Many suffered for their actions. In the market-place of Argyrokastro, two young girl Partisans were hanged in sight of the people by men of the Balli Kombëtar only just over a year ago. It is true that the pre-war Albanian worked his women hard and regarded them as of far lesser importance than his sons or brothers. But he honoured them within the home, and this action horrified and disgusted him. Telling me the story, a simple peasant said bitterly, 'This sort of thing has never happened amongst us before.'</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p><span></span></o:p></span></p><a name='more'></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhze2M4v1y-2N8IxI65L_exaBS_Jq3YWuTmvZgEJ4M4kX3LOGHZm3DJU7XfSphMSokiNfKwZEa0KcClEKuSND0A6yfCTLXfDpx2SaVBp4CasON_HpvDCz0B_UtlOQ64ZV_KwPiA1cGj4YFNDxVLzZw1l6m8BhRSzEqhfecGmwI6uPi-6LezK3s9Vh2zDco/s2057/14.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2057" data-original-width="803" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhze2M4v1y-2N8IxI65L_exaBS_Jq3YWuTmvZgEJ4M4kX3LOGHZm3DJU7XfSphMSokiNfKwZEa0KcClEKuSND0A6yfCTLXfDpx2SaVBp4CasON_HpvDCz0B_UtlOQ64ZV_KwPiA1cGj4YFNDxVLzZw1l6m8BhRSzEqhfecGmwI6uPi-6LezK3s9Vh2zDco/w156-h400/14.jpg" width="156" /></a></div><b style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The low status of Albanian women was for long proverbial: it was part of the general backwardness in a country where nearly three-quarters of the people are Moslems. Their activity as Partisans has earned them political emancipation.</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Well, they probably did not die in vain. For now, the Albanian woman has equal rights in the state and in the administration. It may be some time before old prejudice entirely dies—one old peasant told me he would never allow his wife to vote: 'It is the first step towards infidelity'—but it is dying. Amongst many others, one of the poet-composers of the Partisan movement is a woman working at the Tirana Radio station. Illiteracy is still a problem. But the Partisans claim that it has been reduced by 20 per cent, and it is certainly true that this people has now a lust for learning. I visited many schools and was impressed by the eagerness and diligence of the pupils, both young and old. Also, the army has done much. It is rare today to find a soldier who cannot read. It may be a slow and tortoise-like proceeding, but he understands in the end. When I visited the criminal prison in Tirana, I found an illiterates' class with eager pupils hoping for better things on their release.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Another thing is worth bearing in mind. Now that the war is over, most Englishmen want to get out of the army and forget the war as soon as possible. Therefore, we look with considerable misgiving on the continual parades of the states of South-East Europe and the martial fervour of their songs and emblems. But it must be remembered that these people look on their armies with different eyes. To them, they are the visible sign of their liberation and a source of pride and, in a lesser way, of education for the young men. There is a bad side to all this—for one thing, it is a little too reminiscent of the early days of Fascism. But on the other side there is a genuine love and admiration for the soldiers who freed the country and the taint of professionalism is not yet. The national revolution was largely the work of the men of the south. Enver Hoxha, Myslim Peza, Kochi Xoxe and the other leaders and generals are all southerners. So are almost all the members of the government.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgaJTdgkI2sLUwHdaxyRwJmMEzzXu1DgFQ65NDLpgH44mWjSi24FZxCkiNmW24PV87ACvOf1k6eEuc8VcWIXM29pCP-HK9SFrJVYiU_AtnKbHD_YT0hfeE9XidmdiSwVTIEqTz-bFPzdu1tbV4C-7VsO2HTGr1PUn1vy-DZYgtFM7kQF_CQd-MlCk4rZKo/s1667/12.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1013" data-original-width="1667" height="243" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgaJTdgkI2sLUwHdaxyRwJmMEzzXu1DgFQ65NDLpgH44mWjSi24FZxCkiNmW24PV87ACvOf1k6eEuc8VcWIXM29pCP-HK9SFrJVYiU_AtnKbHD_YT0hfeE9XidmdiSwVTIEqTz-bFPzdu1tbV4C-7VsO2HTGr1PUn1vy-DZYgtFM7kQF_CQd-MlCk4rZKo/w400-h243/12.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><b style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Enver Hoxha, ex-schoolmaster and leader of the Democratic Front, addresses his followers, who comprise the only recognized party in Albania today. It has grown from the Partisan movement which, sporadically at first but from 1942 with growing coherence, harassed the Italians and, later, the Germans. The peasantry 90% of the population-strongly supports it.</span></b></div></b><div><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5UTyGfll56Im78T-k0QKuVpTtr2XTpdRhgrQmTQhhKEA-UK8GzNzZoyvpVZEpfMdgE2j2DusY57wbLn-j8IDOhrz_JkQhmDDk1uadm1r-eHlXZ7DjrbNcKPOiDg4CuySc_sCyjEpOpeP9HoT0vEYsPerdw5PMKeXNl_qmmEgSGyaFeP00aY-KvpqguDI/s1685/15.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1129" data-original-width="1685" height="268" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5UTyGfll56Im78T-k0QKuVpTtr2XTpdRhgrQmTQhhKEA-UK8GzNzZoyvpVZEpfMdgE2j2DusY57wbLn-j8IDOhrz_JkQhmDDk1uadm1r-eHlXZ7DjrbNcKPOiDg4CuySc_sCyjEpOpeP9HoT0vEYsPerdw5PMKeXNl_qmmEgSGyaFeP00aY-KvpqguDI/w400-h268/15.jpg" width="400" /></a></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;">Naturally, therefore, the men of the mountains in the north have taken less kindly to the new reforms. For one thing the reconquest of these areas was accomplished far more quickly and there was less time for the Partisans to explain their actions. Tribal custom and costume was much more firmly established here, and the rule of the local bayraktars was more local and personal and less oppressive than that of the begs and aghas in the centre and south. Also the northern tribes are Catholic and the priesthood was suspicious and hostile to the flavour of Communism in the Partisan movement. They are loyal to the old ideals which had much of greatness and nobility in them, to the ancient Kanun of Lek Dukagjini with its strict rules of hospitality and blood vengeance. Also their minds move slowly. But they too are gradually realizing the value to themselves of the new reforms.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For the south has always been the more progressive part of the country. Here, for the most part, the people are Orthodox and there is a strong flavour of Greek culture and, indeed, a considerable Greek minority. But as we know from our own history after the Norman Conquest, a foreign cultural infusion may often intensify and stimulate a national movement. Greece has been a foster-mother, but she is not Shqiptar, not a Son of the Eagle. What most intrudes itself upon the observer of Albania now is the contrast with the past. Probably, after some years, the essential resemblances of old and new and the sense of continuity between past and present will become more apparent. But that time is not now. Those who only knew Albania before the war will be today the worst guides to her development. For the new spirit that is abroad in Central and South-Eastern Europe is stirring very deeply in the hearts of the Albanian people. I will be no prophet. Perhaps when the Partisan genera- tion grows older there may be a slowing-up of the process, of the current of reform; there may even be, though that is less likely, a certain amount of reaction towards old ideas and old customs. But it is sure that what has been gained will not be lost; and for those who love and respect the Albanian people and who do not look upon the land merely as a conglomeration of picturesque feudal castles, customs and ceremonies, that is a great thing.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: center;"><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/11/shqiperia-e-re.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/11/la-nuova-albania.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/11_Novembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"> <b>This article is a direct
reproduction of the original material from "THE GEOGRAPHICAL MAGAZINE,
JULY 1946</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/11_Novembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"> "Balli Kombëtar," the
Albanian term for "National Front," was a political and military
organization active in Albania during the Second World War. To preserve
historical accuracy, the original name "Balli Kombëtar" is typically
retained unchanged in texts, regardless of the document's language.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/11_Novembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">The UNRRA (United Nations Relief
and Rehabilitation Administration) was an international organization
established during World War II to assist countries affected by the war,
providing humanitarian aid and support in reconstruction.</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0Albania41.153332 20.1683310.672401482005526 -50.144169000000005 81.634262517994472 90.480831tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-54049680902266329452023-10-28T15:00:00.006-07:002023-10-29T01:05:19.684-07:00The Dramatic Adventure of the Italians in Albania<p> </p><br /><br /><h1 style="text-align: center;">The Dramatic Adventure of the Italians in Albania<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Ottobre/inglese.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a></h1><h2 style="text-align: center;">by Emilio Faldella</h2><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div style="text-align: center;"><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/10/aventura-dramatike-e-italianeve-ne.html" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/10/la-drammatica-avventura-degli-italiani.html" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>Twice occupied by our Expeditionary Forces, first in 1914-15 and then in 1939, Albania served as the launchpad for Mussolini's "absurd war" against Greece. In the rain, along muddy trails, across swollen streams, alpine troops and sharpshooters rushed headlong into the relentless fire of mortars.</i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiy-yyzRD_0ltylmlpnT49UEe_ShlE2t3eSxvoqU937_ME-gv8h9ZgJRtpZIOC87p0t8WGhDtqqbv2I95JGBkuTm0N8Mo0KNy3BvTnPD8xEhBp0Llui5ApHkTMhasI6wp_S0qXcfCovTIBZPrdKXf4irkd_gqfNNXl9cgIQlE-g7gHIaQ-0vkL8pbU_BD4/s3417/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1679" data-original-width="3417" height="157" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiy-yyzRD_0ltylmlpnT49UEe_ShlE2t3eSxvoqU937_ME-gv8h9ZgJRtpZIOC87p0t8WGhDtqqbv2I95JGBkuTm0N8Mo0KNy3BvTnPD8xEhBp0Llui5ApHkTMhasI6wp_S0qXcfCovTIBZPrdKXf4irkd_gqfNNXl9cgIQlE-g7gHIaQ-0vkL8pbU_BD4/s320/01.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">On December 29, 1914, the 10th sharpshooters regiment and the 18th mounted battery landed in Vlorë. Thus began the first act of the Albanian adventure, which would sadly conclude in 1920. Minister of Foreign Affairs Sonnino had wanted this takeover for an exclusively political purpose; General Cadorna had expressed his opposition, foreseeing that defending Vlorë and its port in case of need would require many more troops.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In November 1915, the defeated Serbian army retreated towards the Adriatic. To aid, gather, and evacuate them, two brigades (Savona and Verona), two territorial militia regiments, a cavalry squadron, five mountain and field batteries, and seven stationary batteries were sent to Albania under the command of General Bertotti.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Serbian army poured in from Montenegro and Northern Albania in pitiable conditions, dragging along Austrian prisoners, civilians, and officers' families: a mass of people weakened by hunger, fatigue, illness, and the harsh climate. They needed food and care. It became necessary to occupy Durrës with a column (led by General Guerrini) comprised of the 15th infantry (Savona) and two mountain batteries. Marching 120 kilometers through swampy terrain, devoid of roads, crossed by bridgeless rivers, they reached the port on December 20, 1915.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the labyrinth of World War I, a decree issued on December 4th unsettled the chain of command. The Occupation Corps of Albania, led by General Bertotti, was abruptly shifted from the jurisdiction of General Cadorna to fall under the purview of the Minister of War. The repercussions were calamitous. Bertotti proved to be lamentably compliant with the political ambitions of the government, ambitions that egregiously clashed with the imperative of aiding the beleaguered Serbian army with minimal resource expenditure.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By the waning days of December, Serbian troops began to flood into Albania. Hastily improvised hospitals, supply depots, and camps were established to cater to their logistical and medical needs. Initially, the evacuation was launched from the port of San Giovanni di Medua. However, as enemy forces closed in, the port became untenable, redirecting the flood of refugees toward Durazzo and Valona. Collectively, the Italian navy, with limited support from British and French ships, transported 193,514 men and 10,153 animals to Corfu and Brindisi—an enormous undertaking that initially garnered acclaim and gratitude but was eventually forgotten.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Durazzo port was particularly vulnerable to an attack by the advancing Austro-Hungarian forces that were hot on the heels of the Serbian rearguard. Hence, by February 9, 1916, after the successful evacuation of 88,153 men, it would have been prudent, as Cadorna had suggested and General Giacinto Ferrero had proposed, to voluntarily vacate the port. The required defense would have necessitated significant troop deployment.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, General Bertotti, prioritizing the government's political whims over military necessities, vehemently opposed the move. He ordered General Ferrero to defend Durazzo at all costs. Ferrero, a man of unyielding character and a general of great skill and prestige, made extraordinary efforts to mitigate the inevitable repercussions of this ill-advised command. Following a tenacious and honorable resistance against overwhelming forces on February 23rd, executed over a 42 km front by the Savona Brigade, a battalion of the 86th Infantry, an M.T. battalion, a cavalry platoon, an engineering platoon, and 30 artillery pieces, Ferrero skillfully orchestrated the final evacuation of troops, completed on February 26th.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Fearing that the Austrians would advance as far as Valona, three divisions were sent to Albania, forming the XVI Army Corps under the leadership of General Piacentini. These included the 43rd and 44th Divisions (Marche, Puglie, Tanaro, and Arno Brigades), the Catania Light Cavalry Regiment, the 38th M.T. Regiment, and twenty-one artillery batteries. A command for the 38th Division was established on site. As the Austrians did not proceed toward Valona, many of these troops were repatriated between May and June of 1916. General Bandini replaced General Piacentini, who was appointed as the commander of the 5th Army.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Even before the Italian landing, Greece had occupied part of southern Albania to support its irredentist aspirations and did not evacuate the area even when the Allies demanded it in August 1916. Consequently, operations were carried out in the fall to force the Greeks to withdraw, as the Allies had committed to guaranteeing Albania's independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After the death of General Bandini on December 11, 1916, due to the sinking of the battleship Regina Margherita, General Giacinto Ferrero succeeded him. Operations were undertaken in the Cerevola-Tomori area in May 1918 to coordinate with allied forces operating in Macedonia. After evaluating the opportunity to occupy the Mallakastra massif and reach the Semeni River to secure Valona, an offensive was launched against Austro-Hungarian forces in July.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPH2rijp0tco_GiEyBtz28EgjmUvnFJFr37w4W64JWaVAcxGotvxD4wlhjuUzW3yBx6_c6_Xhh7K51zjdyQcKiZScdH6PkhMnMcCvY-IqqeR_9aOySYfDfe1CyFP8HF7-szmA4B2k_jnrqIv_2W3tcNH3AyumaKZ489VxcPFN2xt8Yxld9S3fZhP6AwVs/s1129/03%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="608" data-original-width="1129" height="172" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPH2rijp0tco_GiEyBtz28EgjmUvnFJFr37w4W64JWaVAcxGotvxD4wlhjuUzW3yBx6_c6_Xhh7K51zjdyQcKiZScdH6PkhMnMcCvY-IqqeR_9aOySYfDfe1CyFP8HF7-szmA4B2k_jnrqIv_2W3tcNH3AyumaKZ489VxcPFN2xt8Yxld9S3fZhP6AwVs/s320/03%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b style="font-size: x-small;">1- Gen. Bertotti commanded the Occupation Corps.</b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>2 - Gen. Ferrero oversaw the evacuation of Durres.</b></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">On July 7, 1918, the Catania and Palermo cavalry regiments, along with a squadron from Lucca, advanced into the Fieri plain, surrounding the Malakastra from the north and reaching the Semeni on the 9th; subsequently, Berat was occupied. The Austro-Hungarian High Command, led by General Pflanzer Baltin, organized a counteroffensive in August against the 23 Italian battalions, reduced to 8,000 men due to malaria. Although they managed to push back some forward elements, the situation eventually stabilized.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the end of September 1918, General Ferrero launched an offensive. On September 30, the cavalry reached the Skumbi River; on October 7, the Palermo Brigade entered Elbasan; Durres was occupied on the 14th, and Tirana on the 15th. On October 31, Austro-Hungarian troops defending Scutari were attacked, forcing them to withdraw.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By the end of the war, Albania was almost entirely under the control of Italian troops, who had the task, in agreement with the Allies, of ensuring Albania's independence. However, neighboring states fomented a rebellion that gradually gained ground.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On the morning of April 8, General Guzzoni, the commander of the Expeditionary Corps, arrived in Tirana along with Column Messe. Shortly thereafter, aircraft landed, bringing with them two battalions of the 3rd Grenadiers under Colonel Mannerini. By April 12, a significant portion of Albanian territory was already under occupation. Additional forces subsequently arrived in Albania: four infantry divisions, one alpine division, and one armored division. During the winter of 1939-40, one of the infantry divisions was recalled to Italy.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the summer of 1940, aspirations emerged in Rome to wage war against Greece. These ambitions were quashed in August, thanks to the intervention of Ribbentrop. Two months later, between October 12 and 15, Mussolini decided, under well-known circumstances, to commence hostilities on October 28. A war plan against Greece, originally devised by General Guzzoni at the behest of the Ministry of War, called for the deployment of twenty divisions—eighteen to be stationed in Albania and two in Italy—for the occupation of the Ionian Islands.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In July 1940, General Geloso was tasked with developing a plan to occupy only Northern Epirus (Chameria), provided that the bulk of the Greek army was engaged against Bulgaria, or that Greece would permit the occupation of Epirus. Despite relying on such favorable conditions, Geloso estimated that eleven divisions, one grenadier regiment, and two cavalry regiments would be necessary. The General Staff modified the plan, believing that eight divisions and a "Grouping" of miscellaneous units—grenadiers, cavalry, etc.—would suffice, but only if Greece consented, or the majority of the Greek army was engaged against Bulgaria.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">General Visconti Prasca, commander of the troops in Albania, had already assured Mussolini and Ciano that he was prepared to execute any operation he was ordered to carry out. He reiterated this during a meeting at the Palazzo Venezia on October 15, 1940, when Mussolini announced the decision to attack Greece. Marshal Badoglio did not object; rather, he stated that Visconti Prasca's plan was sound. This plan was similar to the one from the General Staff, with the difference being the initial deployment of troops along a 100-kilometer front as opposed to a maximum 30-kilometer front. Two divisions were stationed defensively in Korçë, and two more at the border with Yugoslavia.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Beyond these specifics, Visconti Prasca agreed to attack under any circumstances, even if the conditions set by the General Staff were not met. No one considered that Greece, if attacked, would react with full force, and that even if Italian forces initially enjoyed numerical superiority, the situation would soon reverse. The 14 already-mobilized Greek divisions could reinforce the theater of war much more rapidly than divisions coming from Italy across the Adriatic.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgWVs53Schg6c__xYQJc8MIdYqZRmi7uFwh5WxiuMQ6DUA1DUtWtBpRVBl6xlpoDVifHLS0zWmDY6__MEzG0-KfXZN1gmMkpHoCMoHn4ghORR90uL07OcqTfTXIFALscNBRXm4JwLm3p_bYcQ8O-7a86XdN1lSPkb0He2Rrix80_d0xQYd2hJaHnxfL_KQ/s1718/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="816" data-original-width="1718" height="152" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgWVs53Schg6c__xYQJc8MIdYqZRmi7uFwh5WxiuMQ6DUA1DUtWtBpRVBl6xlpoDVifHLS0zWmDY6__MEzG0-KfXZN1gmMkpHoCMoHn4ghORR90uL07OcqTfTXIFALscNBRXm4JwLm3p_bYcQ8O-7a86XdN1lSPkb0He2Rrix80_d0xQYd2hJaHnxfL_KQ/s320/04.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"> <b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Italian troops landing at Vlorë in December 1914, coming to the aid of the retreating Serbian army.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: justify;">An intelligent and fierce enemy of Italy could probably not have put the Italian Army in a worse situation to undertake such a senseless task. Ten days before the campaign began, the Army was in a satisfactory state of readiness; after more than a year of mobilization since September 1939, both the regiments and divisions were in excellent shape. Officers and troops were well-coordinated; discipline was excellent, and even the training was satisfactory. While the troops in Albania crossed the border into Greece, all the divisions that were in Italy were disintegrating, due to the demobilization ordered by Mussolini. General Soddu, the Undersecretary of War, refused to oppose this move so as not to displease Mussolini, and Badoglio avoided opposing it as well. Entire age classes were discharged; many units, including all the Alpine "valley" battalions, were even disbanded. One circular telegram between October 15 and 20, canceling the demobilization order—which had not yet been executed—could have prevented all this.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjM9EDMcsaonqQG_WnKdLIPQmg8DuMWtywBZ2J5xolIK0cWE0o52zTdRLzDwNgZGI-3ac3Ol6QTsY_PPK10P-yHBeWflZ9wvnNgkWxnJB0SjHPNcHJlAuDokVgUfMTHgViCRlhCUrhxH8hfLTELWRDK1bkO4eatcLHBssEqu0ENS17rzJFNN27FgnnrWxI/s2044/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1252" data-original-width="2044" height="196" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjM9EDMcsaonqQG_WnKdLIPQmg8DuMWtywBZ2J5xolIK0cWE0o52zTdRLzDwNgZGI-3ac3Ol6QTsY_PPK10P-yHBeWflZ9wvnNgkWxnJB0SjHPNcHJlAuDokVgUfMTHgViCRlhCUrhxH8hfLTELWRDK1bkO4eatcLHBssEqu0ENS17rzJFNN27FgnnrWxI/s320/05.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Infantrymen landing at an Albanian port in 1940. The attack on Greece commenced on October 28.</span></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: justify;">It would not have been possible to start a war campaign under worse conditions: a notoriously unfavorable season for operations in the Balkans; inferior forces compared to the enemy and an inability to reinforce them quickly; the ongoing disarray afflicting the Army due to demobilization; and the recklessness of General Visconti Prasca, unable to realistically assess the difficulties, all for the sake of pleasing Mussolini and commencing the war immediately, before being placed under a more competent higher-ranking general.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Under relentless rain, on muddy roads and paths, crossing torrents in full spate, the Greek border was crossed at dawn on October 28th, initiating what was aptly termed an 'absurd war'. The XXV Army Corps (Gen. Carlo Rossi) launched an offensive towards Ioannina with three divisions. On its right flank was the 'Coastal Group,' equivalent to a division, and to the left, somewhat distantly, was the Alpine Division Julia, comprising only five battalions and five artillery batteries. The XXVI Army Corps (Gen. Nasci) with two divisions had a defensive role in the area around Korçë. Initially, the Greek forces were scant, but soon enough, additional, numerous forces poured in from the rear; they mounted an insurmountable resistance at Kalpaki and along the Kalamas River against the XXV Corps and enveloped the left flank of the Julia Division, which had daringly advanced into the mountainous Pindus range with the objective of reaching Metsovo, forcing it into extremely challenging combat due to supply exhaustion.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The 'Coastal Group' threw a bridge over the swelling Kalamas River and advanced to Plataria, while the Milan cavalry regiment audaciously pushed forward to Margariti. The unsustainable situation of the Julia Division, the impossibility of breaking through the blockade at Kalpaki despite violent attacks carried out continuously by the Ferrara, Siena, and Centauro divisions of the XXV Corps from November 1 to 7, the influx of numerous Greek forces against the XXVI Corps in Korçë, where the Parma and Piemonte divisions were deployed along a 50-kilometer front, and the complete defection of the Albanian troops, which exacerbated the situation, forced the High Command to order the suspension of the offensive. The impact of these events in Rome was profound.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On November 5, Gen. Soddu arrived in Albania with the task, which he had offered to Mussolini, of rectifying the situation by assuming command of an 'army group' consisting of two armies, each with two corps. While it was easy to establish commands, it was impossible to allocate troops. In Italy, the Bari Division, which was initially intended to land in Corfu, was immediately transported to Albania between November 1 and 5, and thrown into the furnace. Due to its original task, it lacked supply wagons. Three Bersaglieri regiments (1st, 2nd, 4th) were also sent by air and sea. Meanwhile, divisions that had been imprudently demobilized fifteen days earlier were hastily reconstituted, drawing elements from all over, so that previously compact regiments and battalions were hastily cobbled together, with recalled officers and troops of various origins. Bad weather at sea delayed the transports.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After the 1st, 2nd, and 4th Bersaglieri regiments, the Alpine Division Tridentina arrived in Albania between November 10 and 15. Two battalions that arrived by air on the 12th were already in line on the upper Devoll by the 13th; they were followed by the newly reconstituted Modena Division, three 'valley' Alpine battalions, and the Taro Division from November 15 to 20. Meanwhile, the XXVI Corps, although reinforced by the Venezia Division, which had made a long march from the border with Yugoslavia, had been repelled from Korçë and forced to retreat along the Devoll valley. The XXV Corps, slowly yielding ground, was resisting the counter-offensive, still remaining on Greek soil. But on its left flank, the enemy was pressing hard in the Perati-Ersekë area, at the center of the front. Against the XXV Army Corps and the 'Coastal Group,' six Greek divisions were deployed, and against the XXVI Corps, five. Considering that Italian divisions had two regiments and the Greek ones had three, the disparity in forces was glaringly evident, especially since the Greeks still had divisions in the process of arriving. The divisions that were arriving in Albania could not perform satisfactorily because the need to make maximum use of the cargo capacity of the ships required loading the men on one steamer, the animals on another, and the cannons on yet another; sometimes the men were sent by air and landed at the airports with only their individual armament.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjs-DVWIwAmG7ZIgZZgWUQ1L-gAFnpZNVah3W60a-C6uB-tiKUpJtE8ah3xsAkogvbEf3FiwR_Oq9DbtaXyqkxuznS2wN27HxvwHcPCdC2VAZa_2VmeAHkB0K1qxyt_t3UhCMaSI15ZOfOJTduhjB2urnWbDNqrgZGK7LlKyfuhcSb9IaQRvlCSEMvmaJ0/s1697/06.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1697" data-original-width="1313" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjs-DVWIwAmG7ZIgZZgWUQ1L-gAFnpZNVah3W60a-C6uB-tiKUpJtE8ah3xsAkogvbEf3FiwR_Oq9DbtaXyqkxuznS2wN27HxvwHcPCdC2VAZa_2VmeAHkB0K1qxyt_t3UhCMaSI15ZOfOJTduhjB2urnWbDNqrgZGK7LlKyfuhcSb9IaQRvlCSEMvmaJ0/s320/06.jpg" width="248" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Soldiers from the Bari Division navigate a muddy road in Epirus.</span></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: justify;">It would have been essential to reorganize the units before deploying them; instead, the situation at the front, teetering on disaster, necessitated hastily loading the newly arrived units onto trucks and sending them to the front lines, even if they were without heavy weapons, artillery, or supply wagons. The result was a jumbled mixture of units that took considerable effort to untangle and significantly reduced the operational capacity of the reinforcement troops. Under the command of High Command (Gen. Soddu), there were two army commands: the 11th in the north (Vercellino) and the 9th in the south (Geloso). On the far left flank, the III Corps (Arisio) was in action; straddling the Devoll River was the XXVI Corps (Nasci).<span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Greeks continued their offensive into December, especially against the Tridentina Division, which was reinforced in the last ten days of the month by the 1st Alpine (Cuneense). To the right of the XXVI, the command of the VIII Corps (Bancale) was inserted into the sector that included the valleys of the Osum and Vjosa rivers. The enemy pressure against the Julia and Bari Divisions and the Bersaglieri regiments was intense. Our troops had to resist attacks from superior forces on improvised lines, with wide gaps between units, no reserves, and scarce supplies due to a lack of supply wagons.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The units were by now weakened due to combat losses and illness, so the terms 'regiments,' 'battalions,' and 'companies' no longer corresponded to the actual strength of the units. The so-called 'line' was nothing more than a series of small groups of men, far apart, separated by wide intervals, and unprotected. It's no surprise that under such conditions, the enemy forced successive retreats, particularly pronounced between the Osum and Vjosa rivers. The XXV Corps remained on the border line until early December and then also had to retreat, engaging in fierce combat, in which the 2nd Bersaglieri distinguished itself.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During December, the Ferrara and part of the Modena Divisions had to withdraw from the Kurvelesh massif, connecting to the line of resistance where the Special Army Corps (Messe), formed with the 'Coastal Group' and a 'special' division (Piazzoni), had been forced to retreat. The line reached by retreating at the end of December was, overall, the furthest line reached as a result of the Greek counter-offensive, as in January and February, despite persistently attacking, the Greeks only achieved limited local successes.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By the end of the month, the battle 'for Vlorë,' which had been the Greeks' objective, could be considered concluded. During December, three more infantry divisions (Acqui, Cuneo, Brennero) and two Alpine divisions (Pusteria and Cuneense) had arrived, but the troops deployed up to that point were so exhausted and reduced in strength that these new units could barely add more substance to the already weak defensive front. They certainly could not constitute, as Mussolini would have liked, a force for a counter-offensive, which was unthinkable as long as it was necessary to hurriedly deploy incoming units day by day to plug fearful gaps and resort to the most irrational expedients to prevent the enemy from breaking through.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is difficult for those who did not experience those events to comprehend the immense task of the Army in November and December of 1940. The aim was to remedy, while fighting under disastrous conditions, the consequences of the recklessness shown by the main culprits: Mussolini, Ciano, Badoglio, Soddu, and Visconti Prasca. It was a confrontation with an enemy superior in number, courageous, and animated by the highest morale.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Marshal Badoglio had resigned, and Mussolini had designated General Cavallero to replace him as Chief of General Staff. On December 4th, General Soddu telephoned General Guzzoni, the Undersecretary of War and Deputy Chief of General Staff, expressing doubt about the ability to resist. Mussolini immediately sent Cavallero to Albania to join Soddu, whom he then replaced on December 29th.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During January, the Greeks did not insist on an offensive against the III and XXVI Corps. However, in February, they attacked insistently at Guri i Topit, in the Devoll Valley, but without being able to shake the solid resistance of the 5th Alpine. During January, the offensive persisted in the Osum sector, entrusted to the IV Corps (Mercalli), and the Vjosa (VIII Corps). Despite fierce resistance and counterattacks, it became necessary to retreat to the Klisura area and further north. Nonetheless, this battle, which came to be known as the "Battle for Berat"—since this was the objective of the Greek command—ultimately concluded in favor of the defenders.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the last ten days of January, the XXV Corps attempted a counteroffensive to retake Klisura. After initial successes, the attacking troops were forced to halt and withdraw. However, they succeeded in drawing Greek forces into the Vjosa Valley, preventing the enemy from persisting in their offensive against the IV and VIII Corps.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By now, the Greek army had made its maximum effort; the objectives it aspired to—Elbasan, Berat, Vlorë—were now beyond its reach. Nevertheless, Greek command decided to try for the capture of the Tepelenë hub, aiming for a resonating success and to eliminate a favorable base for an Italian offensive. The battle for Tepelenë began on February 10 and concluded only in mid-March, with the full success of the XXV Corps. The Greeks engaged six divisions, including the famed 5th "Crete," against the Julia Division, remnants of the 1st Alpine Group "Valle," the 2nd Bersaglieri, a battalion of grenadiers, a regiment from the Sforzesca Division, a Blackshirt detachment, and three undivided alpine battalions (Susa, Cervino, Val Cismon). The final Greek offensive was halted at Golico and Scindeli.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Meanwhile, Mussolini had managed to compel Cavallero to undertake an offensive, confident of its success and entrusting its execution to General Gambara, who had replaced Bancale in the VIII Corps. This was not the time to go on the offensive; the conditions for achieving a decisive result had not yet been created, and a partial success would have resulted in a needless waste of resources. By waiting for the German army to be ready for action, the hostilities would have ended with a victory that would erase the disappointments suffered thus far. This was the opinion of General Guzzoni, which Mussolini ignored; General Cavallero, although having wiser intentions, did not want to oppose Mussolini's will. Thus, on March 9, while the Greeks were still attacking in the Vjosa Valley, the IV and VIII Corps went on the offensive.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhK0lHUy6rsGDLvfEKLYsVc_KMpJA8wrjWkVH6HBRdR7W2wcOg3s282Z60_0RdXuW5d2aCMYpOgs9OMuWBYiyj6cKiKOSZpW4w40MeUgX3PAKsmq6zqg7LFNrTNw8jkShrWwJL9l_VJU09lZWxqc4goO3LeTt43gy2j9ccPNZFxLlR8umBIeTyH8RWHnR8/s1933/08.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1392" data-original-width="1933" height="230" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhK0lHUy6rsGDLvfEKLYsVc_KMpJA8wrjWkVH6HBRdR7W2wcOg3s282Z60_0RdXuW5d2aCMYpOgs9OMuWBYiyj6cKiKOSZpW4w40MeUgX3PAKsmq6zqg7LFNrTNw8jkShrWwJL9l_VJU09lZWxqc4goO3LeTt43gy2j9ccPNZFxLlR8umBIeTyH8RWHnR8/s320/08.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"> MUSSOLINI at the Greek front in March 1941 discussing operational plans with Cavallero.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: justify;">The VIII Corps (Gambara) was at the center with the Cagliari, Puglie, and Pinerolo Divisions; the IV Corps (Mercalli) was on the left with the Pusteria and Cacciatori delle Alpi Divisions, and on the right was a part of the XXV Corps (Sforzesca Division and Alpine Group Signorini). Despite the valor of the troops, the results were very limited; the Greeks had solidly fortified that sector and staffed it with excellent divisions. The fierce and bloody fight, resumed at dawn on March 10, continued until March 15, with the intervention of the Bari Division as well, but yielded no results. If several Greek regiments were worn out, the wear and tear on seven of our divisions and the 15,000 losses prevented the formation of a shock mass on the left wing of the formation, with which Cavallero would have wanted to outflank the enemy in the final offensive.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To the failures incurred by the absurd decision to wage war on Greece with insufficient forces, another failure was added that could have been avoided. The Army thus had to endure this harsh ordeal as well, which it endured with the self-sacrifice displayed throughout the campaign. The hard struggle on the mountains of Albania can only be compared, in terms of sacrifice, valor, and difficulty, to the stopping battle on Grappa, which took place in November-December 1917.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">When Yugoslavia adopted a hostile stance towards the Axis on March 27, Cavallero had to reorganize the defense on the Yugoslav border as well. He established the XVII Corps (Pafundi) in the direction of Shkodër with the Centauro, Puglie, and Messina Divisions. He entrusted General Nasci with the task to... Acting along the Elbasan-Dibra axis, he reinforced the left wing of the 11th Army and established the XIV Corps (Vecchi), which he positioned in reserve. With the onset of the German offensive against Yugoslavia, in which the Italian 2nd Army from Venezia Giulia also participated, Yugoslav divisions attempted to penetrate Albania but were repelled. On April 6, the Germans entered Greek territory. Despite initial difficulties in overcoming border fortifications, they were able to advance rapidly since the Greek army remained engaged against the Italian forces. In fact, when the offensive began on April 9, fierce battles had to be fought, succeeding in penetrating Greek territory only after overcoming tenacious resistance in the areas of Erseke, Perati, Kakavia, and Delvinaki.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The armistice signed on April 24 in Thessaloniki brought an end to the operations. The losses incurred during the campaign amounted to 16,674 dead, of which 2,803 were considered missing; 50,000 wounded and 12,000 frostbitten. Among those who fell, sharing the sacrifice with the valorous soldiers, were 9 colonels, about a hundred senior officers, and a thousand junior officers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After the conclusion of the conflict, no military events of particular significance occurred in Albania, although from the summer of 1942 onwards, the organization of an uprising among the Albanians was revealed by assassinations, attacks on isolated posts, and sabotage. The armistice of September 8, 1943, brought an end to the long cycle of Italian military operations in Albania, which had begun as far back as December 1914. The memory of the severe disappointments must not make us forget that the Italian soldier acted with self-sacrifice and a spirit of sacrifice.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/10/aventura-dramatike-e-italianeve-ne.html" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/10/la-drammatica-avventura-degli-italiani.html" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><blockquote><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Ottobre/inglese.docx#_ftnref1"></a><blockquote><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Ottobre/inglese.docx#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Storia Illustrata, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore. Novembre 1965.</blockquote></blockquote>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-45635013401739408392023-09-23T15:00:00.003-07:002023-10-29T03:04:37.641-07:00Declaration of Albania's independence (28 November 1912)<h1 style="text-align: center;">Declaration of Albania's independence</h1><h4 style="text-align: center;">Kristo Frashëri<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/09_Settembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a></h4><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div> <div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/09/shpallja-e-pavaresise-se-shqiperise-28.html"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/09/dichiarazione-dellindipendenza.html"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">The age-old struggle of the Albanian people against their Turkish oppressors culminated successfully with the declaration of national independence on 28 November 1912. That day marked the end of a lengthy period of suffering and hardship for the Albanian people, while also commemorating the countless and heroic efforts in their history. Though small, resilient and often standing alone, they never bowed to the mighty enemy, never yielding even when the Ottoman Empire was among the world's largest nations and threatened to engulf the whole of Europe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During the 19th century, as a result of the changes that occurred in the internal situation of Albania and on the international stage, the liberation war against the Turkish oppressors intensified and gained momentum. With the war led by the League of Prizren (1878-1881) and the tireless activity of the Renaissance figures, the liberation movement made significant progress: the consciousness of the liberation war penetrated even deeper into the country's popular masses. By the end of the 19th century, Albanian patriots saw the day of their homeland's liberation drawing near.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the early years of the 20th century, the national liberation movement in Albania grew at a very rapid pace. The oppressive and parasitic Turkish regime, relying on feudal relations, plundered the national revenues yearly through taxes and opened the doors to foreign capitals at the expense of the country's economy, worsening Albania's economic situation more and more. On the other hand, pursuing an obscurantist and ultra-reactionary policy, a policy of denying the Albanian identity, language, and culture, and every national spiritual wealth, and persecuting patriots and progressive individuals of the country with fervour, the regime of Sultan Abdul Hamid had become utterly unbearable for the Albanian people.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These factors led to the strengthening of the national liberation front. However, this front was overshadowed by several negative circumstances.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhbYVacUO9RwWLSKHr5fOEZ7eI4qHzlnk8xEzavFpeHdJ05t6Xl4eume-SDfYKE9rZEouLfA5o56XY3VZQS18lNwE2eLt0lUkNGp0PaSM1QunsgOfzkFyzb9y2B73PK31mZbvBGhgb_wgstBhFASvDDJPrfcPR9ZJA9haXtNtDO8Wvw04yn7gkWaFXv5iQ/s554/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="388" data-original-width="554" height="224" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhbYVacUO9RwWLSKHr5fOEZ7eI4qHzlnk8xEzavFpeHdJ05t6Xl4eume-SDfYKE9rZEouLfA5o56XY3VZQS18lNwE2eLt0lUkNGp0PaSM1QunsgOfzkFyzb9y2B73PK31mZbvBGhgb_wgstBhFASvDDJPrfcPR9ZJA9haXtNtDO8Wvw04yn7gkWaFXv5iQ/w320-h224/01.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-weight: bold;">Ismail Qemali, on the first anniversary of independence in 1913, on the balcony of the house where independence was proclaimed, surrounded by Albanian patriots.</span></div><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div>
</span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The level of social development in Albania was significantly behind. The working class had yet to emerge. The bourgeoisie was consistently weak, tied to trade, small-scale production, or large estate ownership. As a result, Albania lacked a capable revolutionary class that, with its political party, could lead the national liberation movement. The feudal lords, even when not aligned with the Sultan, feared armed struggle, preferred opportunistic solutions, sought the patronage of foreign states, and typically followed their directives. Furthermore, the organization of the front was hampered by Turkish police pursuits, internments, and the expulsion of patriots from Albania. Religious and regional divisions were exacerbated not only by Turkish officials but also by foreign agents.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On the other hand, the major capitalist powers of Europe, evolving into imperialism, intensified their efforts to make dependent states of both the Balkan nations and the Ottoman Empire. In rivalry with each other, these major powers, aiming to tie them to their own politics, promised entire regions of Ottoman holdings in Europe to the governments of the Balkan nations; for this purpose, they fostered in them sentiments of chauvinism and hostility. Among the Ottoman regions in Europe, Albania and Macedonia were used as bait to stoke the chauvinistic ambitions of the Balkan governments. As a result, the Albanian people, in their liberation struggle, faced not only the Turkish oppressor but also the major capitalist powers, and especially the chauvinistic governments of neighbouring countries (Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece), which instead of extending a fraternal hand to the Albanian people, devised plans and concluded agreements amongst themselves for the partition of Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Two of the major capitalist powers, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, have presented themselves as the "primary factors of the independence that Albania achieved in 1912”. Without denying the role they played in the events of 1912, we must acknowledge that their stance was entirely dictated by imperialistic considerations, by purely political, economic, and strategic interests. Both of these states aimed to gain control of the Balkans by securing a strong base in Albania; they were interested in ensuring that the Albanian coastline did not fall into the hands of Serbia or Greece, behind which stood Russia, France, and England. Moreover, Austria sought to ensure this coastline did not fall into Italy's hands, while Italy did not want to see Austria on this coast. For over 35 years, the policies of Austria and Italy were summarized under the banner of maintaining the "status quo" in the Balkans, which meant preserving Turkish rule in Albania, Macedonia, Thrace, etc.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To maintain this status quo from the year 1881 to 1912, Austria and Italy entered into a series of international agreements. However, despite these adverse circumstances, at the beginning of the 20th century, the nationalist and liberation movement gained momentum, and national consciousness took root amongst the rural and urban masses, giving the movement a more democratic character. The liberating and revolutionary Ilinden uprising in Macedonia (1903) and, particularly, the Russian bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905-1907, provided a significant boost to the organised struggle in Albania. Thus, immediately following the revolutionary uprising of Ilinden, Albanian patriots held a congress in Bucharest in April 1904, where they tackled the issue of organising the fight for a free and independent Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">And a little later, while the echoes of the revolution still resounded in Russia, the mountains of Albania began to fill with bands of patriots. The new momentum that the movement took in the years 1903-1905 and the need for organizing the struggle led to the formation, in April 1906, in Manastir (Bitola), of a secret Albanian committee named "For the Freedom of Albania," led by the patriot Bajo Topulli. Relying on the revolutionary zeal of the Albanian people, the Committee quickly achieved success. It established branches in many cities of Albania, organized the distribution of illicit publications, and rallied the patriotic forces of the country around it. That same year, the first nationalist-liberation band was formed, and the first armed attempt against the Turkish troops (near Leskovik) took place. This was followed by other bands which, with the slogan "Either death! Or freedom!", engaged in confrontations with the Turkish armies.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite the Turkish reaction, supported by the local beys and the reactionary clergy, the armed bands increased and the mountains were filled with young fighters. In 1907, the Albanian patriots issued a call from the free mountains for a general uprising against the Turkish oppressors. The message from Çerçiz Topulli, commander of a freedom volunteer band, addressed to the Albanian people in January of that year, concluded with the call: "Long live the uprising of the oppressed Albania which will bring freedom, happiness, and prosperity to the country."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After the actions of the liberation bands and the tireless work of the active patriots, who enjoyed the support of the popular masses, in the spring of 1908, Albania was on the brink of a general uprising. The movement gained significant momentum especially in Kosovo and Macedonia. A few months later, at the beginning of July 1908, around 20,000 armed Albanians gathered in Ferizoviq (Kosovo), ready to rise. In those days, Albania resembled a volcano on the verge of eruption. However, the development of the uprising took a temporary detour due to the bourgeois Turkish revolution (Young Turks revolution) that broke out in those days, on July 23, 1908.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Turkish bourgeoisie, interested in overthrowing the feudal regime of the sultans and paving the way for development and enrichment, was the driving force behind this revolution. The representatives of this bourgeoisie, gathered around the Young Turks committee "Union and Progress" (Ittihad ve Terakki), sought to harness the liberatory aspirations of the peoples oppressed by the Ottoman Empire for their revolutionary purposes. They paid special attention to the resistance movement in Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With their demagogic platform for the overthrow of the despotic regime of Sultan Abdyl Hamid, the establishment of a constitutional regime, the limitation of the beys' power, the recognition of national rights, the guarantee of freedom of speech and the press, and a general amnesty, the Young Turks managed to attract many Albanian patriots to their movement. They were able to leverage the wave of the liberation uprising in Albania and Macedonia, especially the gathering of thousands of armed peasants in Ferizoviq, to ignite the revolution, which forced Sultan Abdyl Hamid to proclaim the constitution (hyrjetin) on July 23, 1908.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The proclamation of the constitution, the granting of certain limited freedoms following the revolution's success, the Young Turks' pledges for rapid reforms, and promises for the recognition of national rights led to a temporary cessation of the armed struggle of the Albanian people against the Turkish oppressors. Many Albanian patriots, deceived by the cunning of the Young Turks, overestimated the importance of the revolution and the constitution.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Once in power, the Young Turks quickly revealed their bourgeois nationalist face. They did not aim to overthrow the Turkish Empire. Therefore, they began to take measures to ensure the empire's survival by suppressing the national movements of the oppressed peoples aiming to form their states and the peasant movements aiming to further develop the initiated revolution.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But the diversionary politics of the deceitful Young Turks and the clamor of their Albanian henchmen couldn't quell the liberation movement. On the contrary, starting from 1909, the armed liberation war in Albania against the Turkish oppressors entered its final phase.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The years 1909-1913 are characterized by a fierce armed struggle of the Albanian people against the Turkish oppressors and by a harsh political battle between two currents within the Albanian national movement: the patriotic-revolutionary current, which sought to deepen the fight for the country's complete liberation and to break Albania free from Turkish rule, and the opportunistic current, which tried to restrain the movement within the program of the Young Turks.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The opportunistic current, equipped with powerful propaganda tools, tried to disorient the liberation movement by sounding alarms about the ambitions of neighboring countries. It wasn't hard to discern that the platform of this current had its roots not only in the government of the Young Turks in Istanbul but also in the imperialist government of Vienna, which continued to advocate for the preservation of the status quo in the Balkans. In fact, leaders of this current (such as Midat Frashëri, Faik Konica, Gjergj Fishta, Mehdi Frashëri, etc.) were at that time agents of the Young Turks or of the Austrian government.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the efforts of the opportunistic current couldn't divert the Albanian national movement from its rightful path. The Albanian people followed the path shown by fighters and democratic patriots like Themistokli Gërmenji, Bajram Curri, Spiro Ballkameni, Luigj Gurakuqi, Qamil Panariti, Mihal Grameno, Hil Mosi, and others.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These new movements, which now turned against the regime of the Young Turks, began as early as the summer of 1909. In August of that year, in Ferizoviq, thousands of armed peasants again gathered to protest against the measures of the Young Turks, a protest that turned into an uprising. The government in Istanbul sent an army led by Xhavid Pasha: yet, despite all the terror they exerted, the movement was not suppressed. Moreover, the uprising spread throughout Kosovo, then to Lumë and the Northern Highlands, and simultaneously to southern Albania. The military operations failed, and Xhavid Pasha with his troops returned from whence they came.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the spring of 1910, the rebels began to attack the cities where Turkish garrisons were located. This time the Turkish government took more significant measures: it sent to Albania a "koll-hurdi" (corps) of 70 regular army battalions, equipped with modern weapons, under the command of the Young Turk general, Shefqet Turgut Pasha. War ignited throughout Kosovo: Shefqet Turgut Pasha could only re-establish Turkish power in the cities. Then, always with terror, persecution, and imprisonments, the Turkish battalions moved to Northern and Central Albania. To end the uprising or to "pacify" Albania, as they said back then, the Turkish army began the disarmament of Albanians, forced recruitment, and the strengthening of city garrisons. Then, thinking they had subdued Albania, the Young Turks withdrew their "koll-hurdi" to Istanbul. But despite all these measures, the movement was not suppressed.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the spring of 1911, the armed uprising erupted again. This time it began in Malësin' e Madhe (Great Highlands). From the early days, the rebels achieved success; on March 24th, Deçiçi and Krevenica were liberated, and a day later, Tuzi. Turkish garrisons and officials were expelled from many other places. In May, the rebels, after defeating the Turks in Pejnik, paved the way to liberate Shkodra. The rebels also achieved success in Dibër.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the south, the bands grew with new fighters. In Korçë, Kolonjë, Gjirokastër, and Vlorë, illegal revolutionary committees operated, guiding and interconnecting the bands of patriots.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This time, the uprising, in its strength, surpassed the proportions of the revolt from the previous year. The Young Turks felt the threat coming from the Albanian mountains, so they sent a large army of 45,000 soldiers, again under the command of Shefqet Turgut Pasha. But the Albanian rebels did not waver: they offered strong resistance to the Turkish army. Shefqet Turguti wrote in those days about this resistance: "... every day there have been relentless and continuous efforts, but the rebels defended every rock, every home, and only left their positions by giving their lives..." But despite the heroism shown, facing the Turkish military superiority and pinched by the lack of food, the Albanian rebels were forced to abandon the liberated areas and seek refuge in Montenegro territory.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKqHQ2N_fo_nD9ayuPTXUEXgEKMagAen2beq92F3Wo1B21Ok1IydfOLxUwvmXkGAW5iVt9Pzl-KozFEULdq3BIrlhO0r4_GlDHxD_zlm-HZRbGDXJdy5I94-wH6PQUd1OgHjg5CCK78Oq9QXZ-pTvqEuab9FGK9KquU62JZqJ0Xo57CdicSLZdZ_lfTIE/s775/02.webp" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="438" data-original-width="775" height="226" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKqHQ2N_fo_nD9ayuPTXUEXgEKMagAen2beq92F3Wo1B21Ok1IydfOLxUwvmXkGAW5iVt9Pzl-KozFEULdq3BIrlhO0r4_GlDHxD_zlm-HZRbGDXJdy5I94-wH6PQUd1OgHjg5CCK78Oq9QXZ-pTvqEuab9FGK9KquU62JZqJ0Xo57CdicSLZdZ_lfTIE/w400-h226/02.webp" width="400" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">An alternative view of Ismail Qemali on the first anniversary of independence in 1913, on that same historic balcony, amidst the compatriots who marked that epochal moment.</span></b></div></b><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> </span></p><div style="text-align: justify;">Montenegro warmly welcomed the Albanian highlanders, as it was preparing for a war against Turkey and was interested in ensuring the revolt in Albania wasn't suppressed. The collaboration of the Albanians with Montenegro alarmed not only the Turkish government but also the Austrian one. To persuade the highlanders to return, all opportunistic elements were mobilized, led by Austrian and Turkish agents, who began to sound the alarm about the Slavic threat.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Given the vast scale the revolt took and the threat of opportunistic elements trying to take over the nation's fate, it became imperative to formulate the Albanian people's demands and present them to the Great Powers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Under the initiative of Ismail Qemali, who went to Gërça in Montenegro where the exiled rebels were located, a memorandum was drafted on July 12, 1911, addressed to the English government. The memorandum demanded territorial-administrative autonomy for Albania with a representative of the Sultan as a general inspector, guarantees from Turkey to respect the constitution, full freedom in the elections of deputies, military service of Albanian recruits within Albania, complete freedom in the use of the language and Albanian schools, compensation by the Turkish government for damages caused during military operations, the return of weapons, amnesty, etc. Requests in the spirit of the Gërça memorandum were also presented by the rebels of southern Albania: one of these was the memorandum approved in the assembly of the Cepo Monastery.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although these memoranda did not demand a complete separation of Albania, the requests put forth would undoubtedly lead to the declaration of independence. Precisely for this reason, the Turkish government did not accept these demands. Believing that the armies of Shefqet Turgut Pasha had removed the general revolt threat, the Turkish government only agreed to grant a few small and preliminary privileges, and these only for the Shkodra district.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">From the autumn of 1911, it seemed as if the fire of the uprising had died down. Many highland rebels sheltered in Montenegro, constrained by the poverty of concentration camps, the approaching winter, the continuous pressure from opportunistic elements, threats from the Austrian government which sought to extinguish the movement that was threatening the disruption of the status quo in the Balkans, and ultimately, persecuted by the chauvinistic Montenegrin government, they were forced to return to their devastated homes. However, the suppression of the revolt was temporary.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a name="_Hlk145968720" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b>***</b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> <span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the spring of 1912, when it seemed the Turks did not fulfill even the few promises they made the previous year, the rebellion erupted with even greater fury.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the spring of 1912, the movement seized the entirety of Albania. The echoes of the armed movements of the past years, this time, were also reflected in the Turkish parliament where Albanian deputies, among them Ismail Qemali, along with deputies of other oppressed nationalities, formed a strong opposition against the Young Turk government. The strong voice of the Albanian deputies shook the foundations of the Young Turks' government, which, in order to break the opposition, dissolved the Empire's parliament. During the new elections, the Young Turk government used all police and anti-constitutional means to prevent the election of opposition Albanian figures like Ismail Qemali, Isa Boletini, etc. The Young Turk agents launched a shameless smear campaign against Albanian patriots, portraying them as foreign agents. Simultaneously, to deceive the general public, they continued the demagogic propaganda initiated a few years earlier with a renewed language.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During this fierce campaign against the Albanian patriots, the Young Turks began speaking to the peasants about the "confiscation of the bey's lands and distributing these lands for the benefit of the peasants." They began advocating for the concerns of the Albanian workers in the name of socialism and the proletariat. They managed to establish clubs for the poor and shamelessly presented themselves as socialists in their unsightly publications, Dielli and later, Hëna, which were printed in Shkodër.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, all their measures failed utterly. The liberation movement in Albania erupted in a fiery uprising. The revolt began on May 5, 1912, in Drenica (Kosovo), then spread to the districts of Peja, Vučitrn, Mitrovica, and Mirdita. On May 7, the assault on Gjakova began, but the occupying Turks defended the city. By the end of the month, the revolt had reached Mat and Dibra. In early June, the rebels started the assault on Peja, which they couldn't capture due to the wavering stance of opportunistic leaders, who were quick to negotiate with the Turkish command. Around this time, a group of rebels, led by Bajram Curri, attacked the Turkish troops at the Prush Pass and decisively defeated them. This success greatly boosted the revolt across all of Kosovo. The uprising then spread to Lumë, Puka, Kurbin, and up to the districts of Kruja. Everywhere, when clashing with the Albanian rebels, Turkish troops were either defeated and retreated or barricaded themselves in city castles. During June, the revolt spread not only to central but also southern Albania. Armed bands of patriots were fighting in the districts of Tirana, Durrës, Elbasan, Berat, Korçë, Vlorë, and Gjirokastër.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By the end of June 1912, all of Albania was on its feet; aside from the cities, the vast majority of the country had been freed by the rebels. The uprisings of 1912 were different from those of the previous years not only in their scale but also because that year, there was a central organization guiding, at least in general terms, the liberation struggle. This body, known as the General Committee of the Uprising, centered in Kosovo, was in connection with the uprising committees of various regions of the country. The "General Committee" was also linked with the revolutionary committee of the Macedonians, and they reached a kind of agreement for the outbreak of a general uprising in both territories at the same time. However, the agreement wasn't honored due to disruptions caused by chauvinistic elements from both sides.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although there was a central body directing the uprising that year, its ranks included quite a few opportunistic elements who did not seek independence from Turkey. Furthermore, members of the Turkish Freedom and Agreement Party (the "Ittihad" party) had joined the Albanian rebels. Even though they were opponents of the Young Turks, they sought to preserve the Ottoman Empire. In fact, the leadership of the General Committee was under the control of these opportunistic elements, led by Hasan Prishtina.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the summer of 1912, the positions of the Young Turk government were deeply shaken, both by their inability to suppress the fierce Albanian uprising and the Ittihadist opposition movement, and by the defeats the Turks were suffering in Tripoli at the hands of the Italian troops.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Facing the impossibility of saving the Empire from the looming catastrophe due to the Albanian uprising and the impending war by the Balkan states, the Young Turks' government was compelled to resign in July 1912. It was succeeded by the government of Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha, which immediately began implementing measures to suppress the Albanian revolt with new troops. At the same time, it dispatched a commission to negotiate with the Albanian rebels.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the rebellion in Albania was rapidly gaining momentum. Throughout the country, fierce battles ensued between the Albanian rebels and Turkish forces. In early August, the rebels freed Pristina and a few days later, they liberated Peć, Đakovica, Mitrovica, and Gjilane. That same month, leading 20,000 rebels, Bajram Curri attacked and liberated Skopje.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Turkish governmental commission, led by Marshal Ibrahim Pasha, during its negotiations with the leaders of the "General Committee of the Uprising," adamantly resisted recognizing the autonomy of Albania. The Turkish delegates proposed a 14-point program to the Committee; this program contained commitments from the Turkish government on the Albanian issue. It spoke only of certain administrative reforms and the acknowledgment of some cultural rights; the primary matter, the autonomy of Albania, was not addressed at all.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The revolutionary patriots rejected the Turkish program, considering it pointless to discuss at a time when the rebels were achieving remarkable successes, and when Albania was on the verge of full liberation. However, opportunistic elements, after a fierce difference of opinion with the revolutionary patriots, eventually reached an agreement with the Turkish parliamentarian, Hasan Prishtina. On behalf of the Committee, he accepted the 14-point program of the Turkish government, thereby betraying the Albanian uprising.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the approval of the Turkish program, the uprising entered a perilous path, the path of compromise. The revolutionary patriot elements sought to redirect the uprising towards its original aims. However, the unity in leading the revolt was now broken. Additionally, a new, profoundly influential factor emerged concerning the fate of the uprising: the outbreak of the Balkan War.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The continuous and unstoppable decline of Turkey, and its inability to sustain the Ottoman Empire, kept the interest of the Great Powers and the Balkan states alive concerning the fate of the Ottoman Empire and the inheritance of its provinces in Europe, Asia, and Africa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Among the Great Powers, Russia was consistently interested in the complete collapse of Turkey. The Balkan states (Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria, and Montenegro) were also keen on such a demise, as they aimed to liberate their regions still under Ottoman rule. However, Western Powers, England and France, continued to support the decaying Turkey to stay afloat, aiming to prevent Russia's penetration into the Near and Middle East. Austro-Hungary and Italy persistently maintained a stance of preserving the status quo in the Balkans, viewing this as the most appropriate way to prevent any foreign power from gaining access to the Albanian coast.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The vehement Albanian uprisings and the Turkish defeat in Tripoli clearly indicated that the Ottoman Empire was on the brink of extinction; another organized strike was all it would take to entirely eject it from the Balkans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Balkan states sought to exploit this situation. After numerous discussions, temporarily setting aside their longstanding antagonisms, the Balkan states formed several political and military alliances against Turkey during 1911-1912. By forming a political and military alliance against Turkey, the Balkan monarchies aimed to inherit all the possessions of the Ottoman Empire in Europe (Albania, Macedonia, Thrace), contrary to the national rights of the oppressed peoples. The demands of the Serbian, Greek, Bulgarian, and Montenegrin governments were driven by a profound chauvinism, both towards Albania and Macedonia. This chauvinist sentiment was incited and fueled by certain major imperialist powers. Regarding Albania, these states decided on its partition. The Serbian government claimed all of Kosovo, Dibra, and parts of northern and central Albania, including Durrës and Lezhë, to access the Adriatic; Montenegro wanted Shkodra, while Greece, among others, claimed southern Albania, which it called "Northern Epirus."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The fierce Albanian uprisings, which were increasingly convincing the European public opinion about the need for recognizing the autonomy or independence of Albania, greatly alarmed the chauvinistic circles of the Balkan monarchies. Ignoring the objections of Russia, Austria, and Italy, which each tried to avoid the outbreak of the Balkan War for their own reasons, Montenegro declared war on Turkey on October 9, Serbia and Bulgaria on October 17, and Greece on October 19, 1912. The eruption of the Balkan War changed the political circumstances of the liberation uprising in Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Before the war began, the Albanian people saw their neighbors as allies in a joint fight against the Turkish oppressors. A brotherly combat spirit was quickly emerging among Albanians, Serbs, Montenegrins, Greeks, and Bulgarians. Pivotal roles in this campaign of fraternization were played by the progressive figures and socialist militants of these countries. At the first conference of Balkan socialists held in 1910 in Belgrade, Albanian representatives also participated, even though there was no formal socialist party in Albania at that time. The conference discussed the common struggle of the Balkan peoples for their national liberation, against the chauvinistic monarchies of the Balkan states, against the expansionist ambitions of Western European imperialists, and for the establishment of a Federative Republic in the Balkans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, this popular spirit of brotherhood was sabotaged without scruples by the chauvinistic circles of all the Balkan countries, especially by the European imperialist circles, which used every means to sow division among these peoples. Regarding this, V.I. Lenin wrote shortly afterward that the European bourgeoisie "aims only to exploit the labor of others, it fuels chauvinism and national hostility to facilitate the implementation of a policy of plunder, to hinder the free development of the oppressed classes of the Balkans."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During this time, the chauvinistic governments of the Balkans (Serbian, Montenegrin, Greek governments) held a very hostile stance, especially towards Albania. On the other hand, they sought to exploit the Albanian people's rapprochement with neighboring peoples to facilitate the advance of their armies in the war they were preparing against Turkey, and to nullify the resistance they might encounter in Albania from the Albanian rebels.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The hostile intentions of these chauvinistic governments quickly became evident. Albanian highlanders, responding to Montenegro's call for a fraternal war against the centuries-old oppressor, began fighting against the Turkish armies. However, when they liberated the town of Tuzi and raised the Albanian flag there, they were faced with the brutality of the Montenegrin armies. These armies entered Tuzi immediately after the Albanian rebels, took down the Albanian flag, and in its place, raised the flag of the Kingdom of Montenegro. In the south, Greek chauvinists asked the Albanian rebels to act against the Turkish armies but only north of the Vjosa river, as in the regions south of the Vjosa, which they intended to annex, they did not want to find Albanian rebels. Similarly, the Serbian government, in its proclamation issued in the Albanian language in October 1912, through the commander of the Serbian armies, promised the Albanian people liberation from Turkish rule, "to live fraternally under the shadow of King Peter."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Turkish armies showed early signs that they would not be able to stop the advance of the Balkan armies. Pristina, Mitrovica, and Peja fell into the hands of the Serbian armies in the early days. Shkodra was besieged first by the Montenegrin armies and Janina by the Greek armies. The joy stemming from the expulsion of the centuries-old oppressor was immediately overshadowed by the resentment brought by the proclamations of the chauvinistic governments of neighboring countries.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For the Albanian people, the political situation was now clear: the old foreign oppressors were being replaced by new ones, and an Albania, although subdued but undivided, would be followed by an Albania again subjugated and, moreover, irreparably fragmented.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In this tumultuous situation, with a very bleak outlook for the country's future, a way out needed to be found before it was too late. This pressing issue was something the political and social elites in Albania tried to solve in various ways. As a result of the wave of the Balkan War, several platforms were confronted, around which political discussions unfolded throughout the regions of Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">One of the first platforms was that of the Albanian rebels, who wanted the revolt started four years earlier against the Turkish oppressors to continue with great momentum alongside the Balkan Powers now at war against the common enemy. However, this just stance of the Albanian rebels began to waver, both due to the hostile and perilous attitudes of the Balkan governments and because of the rampant propaganda from the beys, the fanatical Muslim clergy, and other agents of Turkey and Austria, who accused the rebels of collaborating with countries set on partitioning Albania. Therefore, this platform began to depreciate, and the Albanian rebels, due to the policies of the Balkan governments, were forced to abandon the continuation of the fight against the Turkish oppressors and adopt a stance of "waiting", not fighting alongside or against the Balkan allies.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Unlike their predecessors, Albania's leading feudal lords and the staunch Muslim reactionaries wanted the Albanian rebels, who had recently battled Turkish invaders, to abandon this fight. Instead, they aimed for the rebels to join forces with the Turkish army, using Turkish weapons and operating under Ottoman command, to confront the Balkan states. Leaders of this movement, which risked plunging the Albanian people into an ill-advised venture and painting the uprising as a product of Turkish influence, included opportunists like Hasan Prishtina and influential feudal figures such as Ferhat Draga and Nexhip Draga from Kosovo, Esat Toptani and Mazar Toptani from Central Albania, and Mufit Libohova and Syrja Vlora from the south.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A segment of the bourgeois nationalists saw the Balkan armies as an even bigger threat than the retreating Turkish oppressors. However, these nationalists believed that, without merging with the Turks, the Albanian rebels should wage their own armed resistance against Serbian, Greek, and Montenegrin forces. Their goal was to emphasize Albania's aspirations for independence on the world stage. To this end, an Albanian committee, named "Black Society", sent a note to the consuls of the Great Powers in Skopje. They clarified that the Albanians took up arms to defend their homeland from potential division, not to defend the Turkish Empire. However, this stance couldn't eliminate the risk of Albania's struggle being compromised as long as the Turkish military was present in the region, especially if the Albanian resistance inadvertently supported the Ottoman forces.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As events unfolded, the Balkan armies continued their swift advances, seizing city after city.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Here's an adapted translation of the text for English publication:</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On October 28, Peja fell into Montenegrin hands. Not long after, Prizren was occupied by Serbian forces. Meanwhile, another Serbian battalion was drawing near to Ohrid, and Greek troops, moving from Macedonia, began their march into southern Albania. By early November, the situation reached a critical point: Bulgarian forces, having surrounded Edirne, were now approaching Çatalca, just outside Istanbul. The successive defeats across all fronts compelled the Ottoman Empire to request an armistice on November 3, 1912.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These swift Turkish setbacks and the relentless advancement of Balkan forces deepened the sense of alarm and chaos in Albania. The absence of a unified political leadership, capable of mobilizing the popular masses demanding clear and immediate actions, left the country vulnerable to conflicting opinions, harmful propaganda, often self-destructive initiatives, and machinations by both internal and external adversaries. There was an urgent quest for a solution, a beacon of hope for the nation's uncertain fate.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the midst of this tangled scenario, with the country's forces scattered and bewildered, Albanian patriots managed to identify a way forward. Taking into account the intricate political situation enveloping Albania, they advocated that only the Albanian people, united around a single political entity, could resolve the crisis. To achieve this, they would need to adopt a stance of neutrality, staying removed from the armed conflict that threatened Albania's existence from both sides.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisSCtTL4gtFJd8bYZ4csZ0n2i4hkhX1_G7jZmKGQVTgJ3QllxSJxOAlDen-vjcqSOn2iCPnfUZ5EiWIvFVm87JFSksC2IsRdkTRTjytxaTdQuKUUeQT49940IJwSMonSFnoD7KRp2465Pa3I90sfPz5fjkg3SUCkwgnTzqIRH7gLNDL8bor4SGwpEksw4/s960/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="651" data-original-width="960" height="271" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisSCtTL4gtFJd8bYZ4csZ0n2i4hkhX1_G7jZmKGQVTgJ3QllxSJxOAlDen-vjcqSOn2iCPnfUZ5EiWIvFVm87JFSksC2IsRdkTRTjytxaTdQuKUUeQT49940IJwSMonSFnoD7KRp2465Pa3I90sfPz5fjkg3SUCkwgnTzqIRH7gLNDL8bor4SGwpEksw4/w400-h271/03.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">On the first anniversary of independence in 1913, Albanian clerics stand amidst the populace, proudly holding the national flag. A testament to the unity and solidarity between faiths and the nation.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> </span></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">To achieve this goal, the political body needed to be chosen by the Albanian people. It had to earn the trust of the masses and possess legal authority in the eyes of foreign states. Only a national congress could fulfill such a role, convening within Albania's territory in an area free from both Ottoman and Balkan allied troops. In the name of the Albanian people, this congress would sever Albania's ties with the Ottoman Empire, declare independence and, simultaneously, the country's neutrality. It would also establish a national government responsible for defending Albania's sovereignty.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This directive also considered the fact that the Great Powers wouldn't stand idly by in the face of political shifts on the Balkan map. From the beginning of the conflict, they asserted that any changes in the Balkans would require their consent. Now, as the status quo was disrupted and the risk of Serbian access to the Albanian coast became imminent, the brewing tensions among the Great Powers over the fate of the Adriatic-primarily between Austria and Italy on one side, and France and Russia on the other-would create conditions favorable to international support for the Albanian cause.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This strategy was devised by Albanian patriots both within Albania and in exile, right from the onset of the Balkan conflict. Where and when this platform was first laid out remains uncertain to us today.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nevertheless, in Albania, the call to convene a Congress garnered widespread popular support. By the end of October 1912, proactive patriots from places like Prizren, Pristina, Dibra, and soon after from Elbasan, Vlora, Gjakova, Shkodra, Tirana, Gjirokaster, Korce, and other locations, unequivocally endorsed this significant move. Simultaneously, Albanian patriots who had emigrated to Istanbul, led by Ismail Qemali, and those in Bucharest, voiced their wish to hold a national Congress in Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Cities across the country, collaborating among themselves before being seized by the Balkan forces, selected their representatives to participate in the Congress, whose location had yet to be determined. In several cities, like Pristina and Prizren, once the Turkish forces had retreated, Albanian patriots, in front of assembled masses, lowered the Turkish flag and hoisted the Albanian flag in its stead.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By early November, the proposal to organize a national congress gained momentum throughout the nation. Discussions ensued about the potential venue: initially mentions included Shkodra, Dibra, Elbasan, then Durres, and finally Vlora. A few days later, a pioneering committee of three members was established in Vlora, maintaining liaisons with Albanian cities and emigrated patriots concerning the national congress.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As deliberations regarding the congress continued in Albania, the Istanbul-based Albanian patriots, through Ismail Qemali, issued the pivotal directive: The Congress must convene as soon as possible in a liberated part of Albania. Always in touch with cities in the country, Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi set out from Istanbul to Bucharest. There, with their initiative, a conference of emigrated Albanians was convened to discuss the crucial actions needed during those pivotal days. The conference aligned with the directive to call for the Congress as soon as possible in a location within Albania, emphasizing not independence but rather the homeland's autonomy, as hopes for recognizing independence seemed improbable. For this purpose, the conference decided to send a delegation of four members, including Ismail Qemali and Luigj Gurakuqi, to Albania, representing the Albanian colony of Romania at the National Congress.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The news of the delegation's departure and the telegraphic invitation sent by Ismail Qemali, through the pioneering committee of Vlora, to all Albanian cities to convene the Congress in Durres or Vlora, and to promptly dispatch delegates from various regions, was met with overwhelming enthusiasm throughout the country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The initial step was taken; however, a race against time had begun. Actions had to be taken more swiftly than the advancing Balkan forces. It was a battle to gain every day and hour. Albanian cities, before falling into foreign hands, hastily sent their delegates to Durres. Yet, the Turkish authorities in Durres, even though the Ottoman Empire was on the brink of collapse, did not allow the Albanian National Congress to convene there. The Turks, even in the last moment, sought to drag Albania into disaster; this attested to the words of the distinguished patriot, Sami Frashëri, penned in 1899, stating that “Turkey, in its demise, sought to treacherously bring down Albania as well”. Yet, this challenge was overcome by selecting Vlora (known as Valona in some languages) as the venue for the Congress. Meanwhile, the delegation that had set out from Bucharest made its way through Budapest, where Ismail Qemali had a meeting with the Austrian foreign minister, and then in Vienna with the Italian ambassador. He sought their respective governments' support in recognizing Albania's autonomy. From the Austrian capital, maintaining constant telegraphic contact with Albanian cities, Qemali, accompanied by many Albanian patriots, headed to Durrës (Durazzo). They arrived on November 20, 1912, and two days later, together with representatives from numerous Albanian cities, they embarked on their journey to Vlora.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The journey to Vlora took several days. All the while, Serbian troops were advancing, meeting little resistance. They moved partly from northern Albania and partly along the Shkumbin valley, intending to converge their two forces in Durrës. Meanwhile, the Greek forces to the south, having landed in Himarë on November 19, 1912, were trying to blockade Vlora, particularly since it was chosen as the site for the National Congress.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Before the delegates even reached Vlora, Serbian forces had occupied Lezhë (Lezha) and on November 25 captured Krujë (Kruja) without a fight, as had been the case elsewhere. Simultaneously, Serbian forces in the Shkumbin valley took Qukësin. Tirana, Durrës, and Elbasan were on the brink of being captured. On November 26, 1912, just before Serbian troops entered their city, the citizens of Tirana organized a public gathering. Amidst overwhelming enthusiasm, they raised the national flag and proclaimed "independence." Following this rally, other Albanian cities were telegraphically urged to emulate Tirana's example. In another telegram addressed to Ismail Qemali, it read: "Now we have declared independence on behalf of Albania. We urge and beseech that the undeniable rights of our independence be safeguarded." Inspired by Tirana's example, that same day in Durrës, the Turkish flag was taken down, and the national flag was hoisted in its place. The telegram sent from Durrës to other cities in the country read, "We bring you the joyous news that we have now declared independence in the name of our sacred nation and for all of Albania." That evening in Peqin, the red and black flag was also raised. The following day, on November 27th, both Kavaja and Lushnja reported they had expelled the Turkish administration and hoisted the national flag.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On November 27, 1912, a majority of delegates, with Ismail Qemali at the forefront, reached Vlora. The citizens of Vlora, along with numerous friends from all over the country, welcomed the delegates with unparalleled enthusiasm. Describing that day, Ismail Qemali wrote, "A sacred fervor had enveloped my entire city, and we were everywhere met with public enthusiasm and joy."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The next day, November 28, 1912, the National Congress was convened, with 47 delegates in attendance; the remainder couldn't reach Vlora as they were obstructed on their way by Serbian forces.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Congress began amidst extraordinarily dire circumstances for the Albanian people. On that very day, Serbian forces occupied Tirana, advancing towards Durrës, while other Serbian units neared Elbasan. Yet, the opening of the Congress marked a significant triumph for the patriots who had surmounted the intense challenges of the preceding months.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During their struggle, the delegates had consistently received the unwavering support of the general populace. This collective enthusiasm not only bolstered the call for autonomy but spurred them to demand full independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As patriotic demonstrations unfolded on the streets of Vlorë, inside the Congress hall, Ismail Qemali delivered a poignant and decisive historical address. He painted a vivid picture for the delegates of the country's dire situation, emphasizing the urgent need to take resolute steps to ensure independence and safeguard the nation's sovereignty.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">"The future of Albania," the esteemed patriot stressed, "now rests in the hands of its people. The path to salvation," he continued, "lies in breaking free from the Turkish yoke and declaring national independence." Qemali assured that "this aspiration of the Albanian people would find backing among the major powers, especially Austria and Italy." And it wasn't just them: "Even Russia," he added, "has shown acknowledgment towards Albania and its people, thus ensuring international public opinion would be favorable."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Finally, with fervor, Qemali urged the delegates, "Materialize the age-old desire of the Albanian people by proclaiming independence and extricating Albania from Ottoman rule." His speech was met with passionate and emotional acclaim. Without hesitation, all delegates signed the historic act penned by Luigj Gurakuqi, affirming, "From this day forward, Albania will stand as an independent, free, and sovereign nation."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On that day, at 4:30 in the afternoon, before a large gathering, with tears of joy and emotion glistening in his eyes, Luigj Gurakuqi, trembling with emotion, raised the national flag amidst thunderous cheers. Shortly afterward, thousands of citizens marched with the national flag leading the way, demonstrating in front of foreign consulates. They called on the Great Powers to recognize Albania's independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">That very day, the Congress tasked Ismail Qemali with forming the first Albanian government, which in reality, was established a few days later. Wearing his hat as the head of the provisional government, Ismail Qemali sent telegrams to the six Great Powers of Europe and the four Powers of the Balkan Alliance. In these telegrams, he informed them about the congress's convening, the declaration of independence, the creation of a temporary government, and he appealed to them to "acknowledge this significant shift in the political life of the Albanian nation." In the telegram to the Great Powers, it was stated that "by re-entering the family of Eastern European nations, where they proudly regard themselves as the oldest members, and by pursuing solely the aim of living in peace with all Balkan states and becoming a stabilizing element, the Albanians are convinced that the governments of the Great Powers, as well as the entire civilized world, will view them favorably, safeguarding their national existence from any threat and protecting their land from any division." In the telegram sent to the Balkan states' governments, among other things, they were also asked to cease all hostile military actions within Albanian territory.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On the day independence was proclaimed, Ismail Qemali addressed the entire Albanian populace with a telegraphed proclamation. Informing them of this momentous historical event, he urged the people to maintain calm and unity, behaving with honor and wisdom during such pivotal moments for a divided homeland. On that same day, further telegrams were dispatched to Albanian colonies, foreign friends of Albania, and the leading press of Europe and America, to notify the global public opinion of the emergence of a new independent state onto the international stage.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Yet, the nascent Albanian state commenced its existence under exceedingly challenging circumstances. Although the Turkish armies stationed in Albania — with the exception of those in Shkodër — had ceased their hostilities and had gathered in Berat, Fier, and Gjirokastër, awaiting their departure to Turkey, and despite the proclamation of independence severing all ties with the Ottoman Empire, the three neighboring states — Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece — refused to recognize and respect this newfound independence. Under the pretext of chasing Turkish troops, on November 29, 1912, Serbian forces entered Durrës and Elbasan, where in reality, no Turkish soldier was present. They lowered the Albanian flag, briefly raised the Turkish one, and subsequently, through a ceremony, replaced it with the Serbian flag. From the south, the Greeks, having landed in Himarë, aimed to advance towards Vlorë, while in the north, Montenegrin forces continued their siege of Shkodër. Simultaneously, the Greek navy blockaded Vlorë's port from the sea and shortly after severed the telegraphic cable connecting the city to Italy, attempting to isolate the Albanian government from any external relations.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEik-KOf4zWrUI4OrR-37v-Cr5pQ8dESU8U91KBIWFI95RnHlzbyzYVpMuzmBDYqi5LLQ9iwELYZHt9FQSqXo1NNzyTNOtgXEfSqzFP_O2NI3Kmvlrnp2rzWVNzZPscHauFwjZUW9TIVin4a6fPFgsHzOW_gfmXBuiUtN4GWXF4j36mzO23cwu0pN2mVEr4/s1631/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="967" data-original-width="1631" height="238" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEik-KOf4zWrUI4OrR-37v-Cr5pQ8dESU8U91KBIWFI95RnHlzbyzYVpMuzmBDYqi5LLQ9iwELYZHt9FQSqXo1NNzyTNOtgXEfSqzFP_O2NI3Kmvlrnp2rzWVNzZPscHauFwjZUW9TIVin4a6fPFgsHzOW_gfmXBuiUtN4GWXF4j36mzO23cwu0pN2mVEr4/w400-h238/04.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Fragment of the Declaration of Albania's Independence.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In addition to this, the Balkan states that had now occupied Albania were the victors of the war against Turkey. With the support of some of the Great Powers, they had numerous opportunities to secure the annexation of the Albanian regions they claimed. Ultimately, the Albanian people, worn out by protracted war and uprisings and fragmented by three foreign armies, were indeed represented by an Albanian government. However, this newly-formed government held limited power only in Vlorë and Berat, was isolated from the external world, and was surrounded on all sides by Serbian and Greek forces.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nevertheless, led by its patriots, the Albanian populace remained unshaken. The Congress continued its sessions for several consecutive days. Following Ismail Qemali's appointment as the head of the government, Vehbi Dibra was elected as the Congress's chairman. On December 4th, the formation of the government, consisting of eight ministers, was finalized. On the same day, the Council of Elders of the Albanian state, comprising 18 members, was chosen to assist the government in matters of securing independence. Shortly afterward, the Vlorë government was able to appoint two delegates to represent Albania at the conference of ambassadors from the six Great Powers, which commenced its sessions on December 17th, 1912, in London. The objective was to discuss the political map changes in the Balkans following Turkey's defeat. The core issue for discussion—the matter of inheriting the Ottoman possessions in the Balkans—brought to light the significant contradictions that existed between two European blocs. This is because Russia and France supported the Serbian, Greek, and Montenegrin demands with the intention of preventing Austro-Hungarian expansion in the Balkans. In contrast, Austro-Hungary and Italy opposed these requests, aiming to keep open their avenue for penetration into the peninsula and to keep Serbia and Greece away from the Albanian Adriatic coast.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the conference, the demands of the Albanian government were also presented, which summarized into the recognition of Albania's independence, the establishment of a monarchical regime with a European king, the appointment of an international commission to determine Albania's borders, etc. The ambassadors' conference did not take these Albanian demands into account. The major powers, on the very first day of the Conference, decided to approve not the full independence sought by the Albanian people, but the "autonomy" proposed by the Austro-Italian bloc, an autonomy exclusively guaranteed and controlled by the major powers, under the sovereignty or suzerainty of the Sultan. On the other hand, Serbia was recognized the right to connect to an Albanian port on the Adriatic through an international railway. The borders of Albania would be determined by an international commission, specifically appointed for this purpose.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With this decision, the major capitalist powers of Europe did not recognize Albania's independence; they obligated Albania to still maintain ties with the Turkish oppressor. Nevertheless, the Albanian people did not back down. Through continuous efforts, fighting against the internal feudal lords who tried to undermine the authority of the Albanian government, and against foreign agents attempting to undermine the existence of the Albanian national state, our people, led by its patriots, eventually managed, after several months, to reject autonomy under the Sultan's sovereignty. On July 29, 1913, the Ambassadors' Conference in London decided, among other things, to overturn the previous decision regarding the Sultan's sovereignty, but at the same time, it decided to replace it with the control of the major powers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A few years later, the Albanian people managed to free themselves from international control, and in 1920, through the Congress of Lushnje, they secured the complete independence of their homeland and its unrestricted sovereignty over free and independent Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The declaration of Albania's independence was warmly received by the global public opinion. The very next day, the Municipality of Bucharest in Romania, 80 municipalities in southern Italy, editorial teams of several European publications, Albanians living abroad, and other friends of Albania sent telegrams and letters congratulating the Albanian people on this historic event. Congratulatory telegrams continued to arrive in the following days. Foreign newspapers published friendly comments on the national independence of Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The enthusiastic reception of the declaration of independence in the international public opinion was of great help to the Albanian people. Concrete and active support came to the Albanian people from the international socialist movement. The international congress of socialists held in Basel (Switzerland) in November 1912, which was also attended by the Russian Bolsheviks led by V. I. Lenin, issued a manifesto on November 26, 1912, two days before the declaration of Albanian independence. This manifesto addressed socialists from all over the world and, specifically regarding the issue of "Albanian autonomy," it was also directed to the socialists of the Balkans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">"The Congress hopes - among other things - that the Balkan socialist democracy, once the war is over, will make every effort to prevent the results achieved through such terrible sacrifices from being taken over and exploited by the dynasties, militarism, and the voracious bourgeoisies of the Balkans for territorial expansions... After the appeal made by the Congress to the Balkan socialists to prevent the recurrence of old hostilities among Serbs, Bulgarians, Romanians, and Greeks and to stop the oppression of other Balkan peoples - Turks and Albanians - it urged them to fight against chauvinism, unbridled nationalist passions, the use of force to suppress the rights of the Balkan peoples, aiming for a brotherhood among these peoples, including the Albanians.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Basel Congress also dealt with the ambitions of Austria-Hungary and Italy towards Albania. In this context, the manifesto stated: "The socialists of Austria-Hungary, as well as those of Italy, will pay special attention to the Albanian issue. The Congress recognizes the right of the Albanian people to autonomy, but by this, it does not mean that, under the pretext of autonomy, Albania should be sacrificed to Austro-Hungarian and Italian ambitions. The Congress, therefore, asks the socialists of Austria-Hungary and Italy to fight against any attempts by their governments to include Albania in their sphere of influence." Indeed, the proclamation of Albania's independence was actively defended by the internationalist socialist parties, especially by the revolutionary socialist movement of the Balkan countries, Italy, and Austria-Hungary.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The declaration of independence was a major historical event for the Albanian people. With it came the end of the long period, spanning over four centuries, of Turkish feudal-military domination, which inflicted countless miseries and profound wounds on Albania, keeping the country in a deeply backward state."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the expulsion of the foreign Turkish rule and the creation of the independent national state that would follow, the Albanian people were presented with vast prospects and a genuine opportunity for rapid development and prosperity. However, these opportunities were not immediately seized, as right after the declaration of independence, Albania suffered other foreign occupations, which further burdened the country and even more broke the national state unity. Moreover, the national-liberation war that led to the expulsion of the Turkish oppressors was not accompanied by a social revolution that would overturn the semi-feudal relations inherited from the Ottoman feudal regime. The feudal lords and large landowners, who stood by the centuries-old occupier until the last days, remained untouched and their large properties were unharmed. The common masses continued to be exploited and suffered from oppression and poverty.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But later on, internal and external circumstances for Albania changed. Inside Albania, the working class grew and strengthened, and later the Albanian Communist Party was formed. On the international scene, with the October Revolution, the powerful Soviet Union emerged. In these new conditions, under the leadership of the Communist Party of Albania, in a fraternal and military alliance with freedom-loving peoples from around the world and with the decisive help of the Soviet Union, the Albanian people, during the war against the Nazi-fascist occupiers, successfully also carried out the popular revolution. With its triumph, not only were the foreign oppressors expelled, but the old exploitative relations were also overthrown, and the popular democratic power was established."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/09/shpallja-e-pavaresise-se-shqiperise-28.html"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/09/dichiarazione-dellindipendenza.html"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div><div><br /></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div>
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</div><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/09_Settembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftnref1"></a><blockquote><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/09_Settembre/01_testi/03_english.docx#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Botim i Ministrisë së Arësimit dhe Kulturës. 1957, Tiranë. (Publication of the Ministry of Education and Culture. 1957, Tirana.) </blockquote>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-5073962545687944582023-08-26T15:00:00.016-07:002023-10-29T03:04:51.668-07:00Rilindja: The Albanian Renaissance and the Birth of a Country<h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>Rilindja: The Albanian Renaissance and the Birth of a Country</b></h1><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<h2 style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://amzn.to/3sw7cuQ" target="_blank">Elton Varfi</a></h2><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><h2><div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400;"><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/08/rilindja-rilindja-shqiptare-dhe-lindja.html" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip </b></a></div><div style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400;"><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/08/rilindja-il-rinascimento-albanese-e-la.html" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></h2></div>
<h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Introduction</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">Rilindja, an Albanian term that translates as ‘Renaissance’, represents a crucial period that embodied a cultural and national revolution, marking a decisive turning point in the history of Albania between the 19th and 20th centuries (Skendi, 1967). This movement had repercussions not only on the country itself, but redefined the entire political landscape of south-eastern Europe, and is fundamental not only for the understanding of Albanian history but also for European history.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During this historical period, Albania witnessed the rebirth of its language, an element that contributed significantly to its national identity. The Albanian language, long suppressed and marginalised, began to flourish again, becoming a symbol of pride and unity for the Albanian people.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Besides language, there has also been a renaissance of Albanian culture. Literature, art, music and other cultural expressions experienced a period of renewal, rediscovering Albanian roots and traditions. The intellectuals and artists of the time played a key role in the formation of a distinct cultural identity, linking modernity with ancestral traditions.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Finally, one of the most remarkable events of this period was the birth of the independent state of Albania. After centuries of foreign domination, the Albanians’ growing aspiration for freedom and autonomy led to the proclamation of independence in 1912. This act marked the beginning of a new era for Albania, underlining its sovereignty and its unique place in south-eastern Europe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In sum, Rilindja was a transformational phase in the history of Albania, and its impact extends far beyond national borders. The revival of language, the rediscovery of culture, and the realisation of political self-determination redefined Albania in a broader context. The aspirations for freedom and autonomy that marked this period are not only an example of the resilience and determination of the Albanian people, but an important chapter in the history of Europe that continues to resonate in contemporary times.</div><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Ottoman Dominion and the Origins of Rilindja</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">For four centuries, Albania was an integral part of the Ottoman Empire, a rule during which Albanian culture and identity were largely suppressed and overshadowed. This long period of subjugation left an indelible mark on the nation’s history and psyche.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the weakening of the Ottoman Empire during the 19th century, an event that coincided with the influx of European ideas of nationalism, freedom and self-determination, a profound change began to take shape in Albania. The population, which had suffered cultural and political oppression for generations, began to mobilise to assert its identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The resulting movement, known as Rilindja, had its roots in this conjunction of historical and cultural factors (Gawrych, 2006).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></i></b></div><div><b style="text-align: center;"><i><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6kQ5ksJJSHIDvXH1uY6qaw-FE-jorqkIsFnRziCHuxcdpj99S_ddhLns_4ewApmoDlu6Py5FyNhDa-0qhtEYmYhIlnyzx3e9K6ja5cXn1357AG75R3q5PsGELKhVsc8n-vCSgtMfWfV6Ht9i__-PwODbUrLX19IioF_sCv_zTUDtlAYJRY73HYzrZD3A/s858/02.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="858" data-original-width="689" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6kQ5ksJJSHIDvXH1uY6qaw-FE-jorqkIsFnRziCHuxcdpj99S_ddhLns_4ewApmoDlu6Py5FyNhDa-0qhtEYmYhIlnyzx3e9K6ja5cXn1357AG75R3q5PsGELKhVsc8n-vCSgtMfWfV6Ht9i__-PwODbUrLX19IioF_sCv_zTUDtlAYJRY73HYzrZD3A/w257-h320/02.jpg" width="257" /></a></div></i></b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Naum F. Veqilharxhi (1797 - 1867)</span></b></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albanian intellectuals, poets, artists and politicians began to work together, weaving a network of ideas and ideals that went beyond mere resistance to Ottoman oppression. It was a movement that sought to awaken a sense of national pride and belonging, rediscovering and reaffirming the Albanian language, literature, and traditions.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Rilindja was not an isolated event, but rather an organic and dynamic response to the political and cultural changes of the time. It represented a phase of transition and renewal that prepared the ground for Albania’s independence. The rediscovery of national identity, stimulated by the intersection of declining Ottoman influences and emerging European ideals, made possible an awakening that irreversibly changed the course of Albanian history. Through this movement, Albania reaffirmed not only its political sovereignty but also its cultural uniqueness, helping to shape a strong and cohesive national identity that endures to this day.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Linguistic and Cultural Awakening</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">One of the most significant and fundamental aspects of the Rilindja, the Albanian Renaissance, was undoubtedly the linguistic revival. This phenomenon represented not only a cultural redemption, but a milestone in the Albanian nation-building process.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">During the centuries of Ottoman rule, the Albanian language had been largely neglected and suppressed. The use of the Albanian language was mostly confined to family and local contexts, while in schools, government institutions and offices, the Turkish language predominated. As a result, the Albanian language had begun to lose coherence and uniformity, with various dialects developing in isolation from one another.</div><div style="text-align: right;"><i style="text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0v0gwnXbh5CfHcV09pPkJYsPe5NtChdrN6XF1r0gnGfsUDKxEj3kCd-Ov0hfhTkPthlftgUd5ymBp95GzlUL1GKrGoN7yO7Ibw9JULRfL78Dez-fw23K57HpbjPX8yccbuHVP7vAOr8R4vdTUJR--JtGfno96NsjPWSbHjw6NXYmzfM4cAX6Jqukgt7c/s691/03%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="691" data-original-width="416" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0v0gwnXbh5CfHcV09pPkJYsPe5NtChdrN6XF1r0gnGfsUDKxEj3kCd-Ov0hfhTkPthlftgUd5ymBp95GzlUL1GKrGoN7yO7Ibw9JULRfL78Dez-fw23K57HpbjPX8yccbuHVP7vAOr8R4vdTUJR--JtGfno96NsjPWSbHjw6NXYmzfM4cAX6Jqukgt7c/w241-h400/03%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="241" /></a></div></i><b style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Naum Veqilharxhi’s Alphabetarium published in 1845.</span></b></div></b></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Rilindja reversed this trend, placing language at the centre of the national revival movement. Intellectuals, literati and linguists worked to standardise the Albanian language, creating a unified system of orthography and grammar that would facilitate communication between the different regions of Albania (Pipa, 1989).</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Education in the Albanian language became a priority, and schools began to teach in Albanian rather than Turkish. This not only contributed to the growth of Albanian literature, but also reinforced a sense of national identity and unity. Learning the Albanian language became a sign of patriotism, and the ability to speak, read and write in Albanian was seen as a civic duty.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisiarvprXNK5vZk-V87mIyRs9o3qT7Vyyd4nHIkDA1lshXj_l4ho1aYmXN-wIJrN-TnL45Vc_-yUarNnoBBvxPLU7Z7KQ8-Zd6Hq8m7s8bKX5_1-xRpWn-WeOnlEwUthAqxjcixSFNkqGiFyPNaKT1tT3_l8OHnJN7z3MMQfdhLeuXkh_YEybe6_QPcU0/s719/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="433" data-original-width="719" height="241" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEisiarvprXNK5vZk-V87mIyRs9o3qT7Vyyd4nHIkDA1lshXj_l4ho1aYmXN-wIJrN-TnL45Vc_-yUarNnoBBvxPLU7Z7KQ8-Zd6Hq8m7s8bKX5_1-xRpWn-WeOnlEwUthAqxjcixSFNkqGiFyPNaKT1tT3_l8OHnJN7z3MMQfdhLeuXkh_YEybe6_QPcU0/w400-h241/04.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Albanian School of Negovan.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">This language revolution was not just a matter of standardisation and education; it was an affirmation of Albanian culture and identity. Language, as the primary means of expression and communication, is intrinsically linked to the identity of a nation. Through linguistic revival, Albanians regained an essential part of themselves, giving rise to a sense of belonging that united the country’s diverse communities.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Continuing to explore this topic, one can see how the linguistic revival during the Rilindja was more than just a language reform; it was a rebirth of national pride and identity. It gave Albanians the tools to express and understand each other, forging a united and cohesive nation that celebrates its roots and unique cultural heritage. The role of the Albanian language in the formation of the independent state of Albania is an eloquent example of how language can be a unifying and powerful force in the creation of a nation. Meanwhile, Rilindja witnessed a unique cultural effervescence, an era of renewal and flourishing that touched every aspect of Albanian cultural life.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8a6o5UI-rBW3ohRvMaPq_aLAHDPqO_EDVAZAuYZXczueRWOse7BNHLBINty9084tnE2sCMSVQnIoYBCD60ClRSs0Uy9JubFML4Xn9wahuxjAGj_HGVTYexI8D9OQ-HPWntYajYTSa2J1SyeJ1iYxnrGRTHVajSGl8UnIAifB7fYIsRkQ6jZwJh59c4Xc/s773/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="453" data-original-width="773" height="235" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8a6o5UI-rBW3ohRvMaPq_aLAHDPqO_EDVAZAuYZXczueRWOse7BNHLBINty9084tnE2sCMSVQnIoYBCD60ClRSs0Uy9JubFML4Xn9wahuxjAGj_HGVTYexI8D9OQ-HPWntYajYTSa2J1SyeJ1iYxnrGRTHVajSGl8UnIAifB7fYIsRkQ6jZwJh59c4Xc/w400-h235/05.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Albanian School of Shpat.</span></b></div></b><p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Literature, art and music, in particular, experienced a golden age, producing significant works that reflected not only national pride, but also the ardent aspiration for independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Figures such as Naim Frashëri and Gjergj Fishta emerged as cultural giants of this period, leaving an indelible mark on Albanian culture (Elsie, 2012). Frashëri, a poet, writer and activist, was a key figure in the national awakening, using his pen to instil a sense of pride and belonging among Albanians. His poetic works, often imbued with symbolism and patriotic passions, played a crucial role in shaping the country’s cultural identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Gjergj Fishta, a priest, poet and politician, contributed significantly to the standardisation of the Albanian language and the promotion of national culture. His most famous work, ‘Lahuta e Malcís,’ is considered a masterpiece of Albanian literature and a hymn to resistance against oppression.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7eurrizQfB6cLu0Is5L-VXtQp66z04-Ft4EsiQHLUa7y9b47V1bYtBC6oM33MP7L4OEne77Tod2NK1MqQZohrHTVZwZRlMGCv0hq-z3DZw-ce-goT80OLp3M4snpagkBHHXwNWzmyLCES0qE5SzDGWuCt3m35OCLlB0a_X-MkGjeimNrg5hRf0sg11Bw/s772/06.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="453" data-original-width="772" height="235" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7eurrizQfB6cLu0Is5L-VXtQp66z04-Ft4EsiQHLUa7y9b47V1bYtBC6oM33MP7L4OEne77Tod2NK1MqQZohrHTVZwZRlMGCv0hq-z3DZw-ce-goT80OLp3M4snpagkBHHXwNWzmyLCES0qE5SzDGWuCt3m35OCLlB0a_X-MkGjeimNrg5hRf0sg11Bw/w400-h235/06.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Albanian school in Vlora.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albanian music, visual art and theatre also experienced a period of extraordinary development and innovation during the Rilindja. Composers, painters and playwrights experimented with new forms and styles, drawing on both local traditions and European influences, creating a cultural mosaic that was distinctly Albanian but also open to the outside world. This cultural fervour was not an isolated phenomenon, but rather an integral part of the broader movement of national awakening. Culture was seen as a means to unite the Albanian people, to strengthen their identity and to articulate their aspirations for independence and self-determination. The literary, musical and artistic works of the time were not just aesthetic expressions; they were political and social statements, powerful tools in the struggle for freedom and independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Rilindja thus represented a crucial moment not only in Albania’s political history, but also in its cultural life. It created an environment in which culture and national identity could flourish, and left a legacy that continues to influence and inspire Albanian cultural life today. In this context of rebirth and rediscovery, Albania began to define itself not only as a sovereign nation but also as a rich, vibrant and unique culture.</div><h2 style="text-align: center;">Resistance and Revolts Against the Ottoman Empire</h2><div style="text-align: justify;">Resistance to Ottoman rule in Albania during the Rilindja period was not a monolithic or uniform phenomenon, but manifested itself in various ways, reflecting the complexity and diversity of the aspirations and tactics of the Albanian population.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Revolts and insurrections periodically shook Ottoman power in different parts of the country. These resistance movements, often triggered by local issues such as excessive taxation, bad governance or religious repression, began to take on a national connotation during the Rilindja period. They became an expression of a broader desire for autonomy and, in some cases, complete independence from the Ottoman Empire.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the context of these uprisings, secret societies and organisations were formed that played a crucial role in coordinating the efforts towards independence. One of the best known of these was the Prizren League, founded in 1878 (Clayer, 2007). Composed of Albanian religious leaders, intellectuals and political figures, the Prizren League sought to unite the different Albanian factions in a common struggle for the preservation of Albania’s territorial integrity and the protection of Albanian rights within the Ottoman Empire.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibDM0LfgUCHcQOnMIkeFkRqt_FSocmzHxmm9Rsgendyl3ecQg5tX5XNk8FFvpRE7wXR28miYjmvTKOx5DUNok0AdAxd7APO8-RiZj-uLT2ULqnjI6S5i69N54xWslSm1YJT1OZNca6iYAHng6MqvoFxY-vinxMSc4pnMEognrEVeeE8ykiRkizJar9pGA/s800/lega%20di%20prizren.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="557" data-original-width="800" height="279" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibDM0LfgUCHcQOnMIkeFkRqt_FSocmzHxmm9Rsgendyl3ecQg5tX5XNk8FFvpRE7wXR28miYjmvTKOx5DUNok0AdAxd7APO8-RiZj-uLT2ULqnjI6S5i69N54xWslSm1YJT1OZNca6iYAHng6MqvoFxY-vinxMSc4pnMEognrEVeeE8ykiRkizJar9pGA/w400-h279/lega%20di%20prizren.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Abdurrahim Buza: ‘The League of Prizren’, 1953.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">The League’s action has not been limited to mere words or declarations of intent. It organised troops, coordinated military actions and sought the support of foreign powers. Its existence and activities represented a significant challenge to Ottoman power, demonstrating that the Albanians were ready and willing to fight for their rights and sovereignty.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These forms of resistance, from local insurrections to coordinated organisations such as the Prizren League, demonstrated the determination of the Albanian people to seek greater control over their own destiny. They also highlighted the complexity of the Albanian national movement, with different strategies and goals reflecting regional, religious and social differences within the Albanian population.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The struggle for independence was not easy, nor was it without internal conflicts and contradictions. But these different forms of resistance, which intertwined and sometimes clashed during the Rilindja period, helped to forge a sense of national identity and paved the way for Albania’s declaration of independence in 1912. The resistance movement to Ottoman rule during the Rilindja is a fascinating and multifaceted chapter in Albanian history that continues to offer food for thought and study. The League of Prizren, founded in 1878, represents a milestone in the Rilindja, the Albanian cultural and national awakening. Its formation came at a particularly delicate time of geopolitical tensions in the Balkan region.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In 1878, the Treaty of San Stefano, signed at the end of the Russo-Turkish war, laid the foundations for profound territorial changes in south-eastern Europe. In particular, the treaty envisaged the division of some territories inhabited by Albanians between neighbouring nations, such as Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria. This project risked breaking the territorial and cultural unity of Albania, jeopardising the Albanian national identity that was beginning to consolidate during the Rilindja period.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2EjM6WU0VHmNXw_QofY9xTIShg2blAP9QfQ_IHCb0kOW-GEiAAtw5IQmoRkahV6RBNhHDDOSIdnCYtQY-eYHwAhdbyBLXHxlPMj-XXbDE35OKNeIohM9Io_pDhv-u7Kl1rn9daWnJGM6QSkk0Y5b5FoA4UlcMzy72eQwsdMiNFTjw33Ft3mQwMDU_QKs/s982/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-165_page-0001%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="425" data-original-width="982" height="173" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2EjM6WU0VHmNXw_QofY9xTIShg2blAP9QfQ_IHCb0kOW-GEiAAtw5IQmoRkahV6RBNhHDDOSIdnCYtQY-eYHwAhdbyBLXHxlPMj-XXbDE35OKNeIohM9Io_pDhv-u7Kl1rn9daWnJGM6QSkk0Y5b5FoA4UlcMzy72eQwsdMiNFTjw33Ft3mQwMDU_QKs/w400-h173/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-165_page-0001%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrBJJrul8SXm0Euii8a-2Y_rfODL4gFcwf0L0K753SQYhsyERjKa244E7a8ZaXJ_5bKbEkvOlwdQ3MC-lMZQ-PXToFUkxZCKQuM-B8QCyXGIzEOPCamxcn-f4UO5VSbSywS_yt9OMo14hSIH6N-dQhQDdF3ULkbZ8NYf84M3sx07yzHNav8kfX8mItEFQ/s860/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-165_page-0001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="441" data-original-width="860" height="205" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrBJJrul8SXm0Euii8a-2Y_rfODL4gFcwf0L0K753SQYhsyERjKa244E7a8ZaXJ_5bKbEkvOlwdQ3MC-lMZQ-PXToFUkxZCKQuM-B8QCyXGIzEOPCamxcn-f4UO5VSbSywS_yt9OMo14hSIH6N-dQhQDdF3ULkbZ8NYf84M3sx07yzHNav8kfX8mItEFQ/w400-h205/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-165_page-0001.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Albanian rebels with their leader Idriz Seferi.</span></b></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">In this critical context, the Prizren League emerged as a concrete and organised response to these threats. Founded by a heterogeneous set of figures, including intellectuals, tribal leaders, politicians and religious men, the League aimed to unite Albanians from different regions and confessions in a common struggle to defend the territorial integrity of Albania.</p><div style="text-align: justify;">The League’s programme was clear and ambitious: resist any attempt to fragment Albanian territory and work for autonomy within the Ottoman Empire. The League was actively involved in strengthening Albanian national identity, promoting culture, language and education.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Its importance was not limited to the Albanian context. The League of Prizren became a symbol of resistance against the European powers that sought to redraw the map of the Balkans according to their own interests. It also represented a challenge to the Ottoman Empire, showing that the Albanians were determined to take control of their own destiny.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although the League encountered obstacles and was finally suppressed by the Ottoman Empire in 1881, its impact on Albanian history was lasting. It helped consolidate a national feeling and establish Albania as an important player on the Balkan scene. The League of Prizren remains a powerful symbol of the aspiration for independence and national pride in Albania, and is a key chapter in understanding the nation’s complex history during the Rilindja period.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The League of Prizren, founded in 1878, was a crucial element in the Albanian national revival process known as Rilindja. Established against a background of growing concern for Albanian territorial integrity and national identity, the League was led by a group of influential Albanian intellectuals and political leaders.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Among the founders of the League was Abdyl Frashëri, a prominent statesman and leader of the Albanian national movement. His vision and determination played a key role in defining the goals and strategies of the League. Other influential leaders such as Ymer Prizreni and Sami Frashëri contributed their experience and expertise, ensuring that the League represented a broad spectrum of Albanian views and interests.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The main objective of the League was to defend the territorial integrity of Albania and to promote Albanian national awareness. At a time when Albanian territories were at risk of being divided among neighbouring nations, this goal was of vital importance. The League acted as a catalyst to unite the various Albanian regions under a common flag, working to consolidate a sense of national identity and pride.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">One of the League’s most significant initiatives has been the promotion of education in the Albanian language. At a time when the use of the Albanian language was often limited or belittled, this effort helped to preserve and strengthen Albanian culture and identity. The League also worked to develop a national literature and promote Albanian art and music, thus contributing to a lasting cultural heritage.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The demand for Albania’s political autonomy within the Ottoman Empire was another key objective of the League. The leaders of the League argued that Albanian lands should be administered by Albanians, thus ensuring greater autonomy and control over their own destiny (Skendi, 1967). This demand represented a radical change in the relationship between Albania and the Ottoman Empire and an open challenge to the existing geopolitical order.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In summary, the Prizren League was a visionary organisation that played a central role in shaping Albanian national identity and defending the territorial integrity of the country. Its educational, cultural and political initiatives have left a lasting imprint on Albanian history and continue to be a symbol of resistance and pride for the Albanian people. The work of the League represents a fascinating and fundamental chapter in Albanian history, illustrating the ability of Albanians to unite for a common cause at a crucial time in their history. The League of Prizren played a crucial role in the political and cultural landscape of Albania during the Rilindja period. Despite the challenges and obstacles it encountered, it managed to mobilise Albanian resistance against the Ottoman forces, culminating in the Prizren War. This conflict represented a turning point in Albania’s struggle for autonomy and independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The League, with its visionary leaders and ambitious programme, created a strong movement of national unity and resistance. It worked tirelessly to promote Albanian education, language and culture, and to defend Albania’s territorial integrity. These efforts were not in vain, but left a lasting impression on the country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the road to autonomy and independence was not an easy one. In 1881, in the face of increasing pressure from the Ottoman Empire, the Prizren League was suppressed. But even though the organisation was dismantled, its legacy lived on.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The League’s ideals and goals continued to inspire subsequent generations. It prepared the ground for Albania’s future independence, sowing the seeds of a self-determination movement that would lead to the proclamation of independence in 1912.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The League of Prizren thus represents not only a significant episode in Albanian history, but also a powerful symbol of the Albanian people’s desire for freedom and self-determination. Its history is an eloquent example of how determination, unity and vision can overcome the most difficult obstacles.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The League’s efforts, which paved the way for Albania’s future independence, are a fundamental chapter in national history. They illustrate the courage and determination of the Albanian people to fight for their rights and identity in a period of great uncertainty and change.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The importance of the Prizren League in the history of Albania and south-eastern Europe cannot be underestimated. Its contribution to the formation of the Albanian nation and the independence movement is a legacy that continues to influence Albanian culture and politics. His legacy is a powerful reminder of the importance of the struggle for self-determination and national identity, not only in Albania but worldwide (Elsie, 2012). Today, the Prizren League is celebrated in Albania as a powerful and enduring symbol of the struggle for self-determination and independence. It represents a crucial chapter in the Albanian national movement, embodying the aspirations of the Albanian people for sovereignty, freedom and national identity. His influence during the Rilindja period is a testament to his lasting impact in shaping the Albanian national identity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The path to Albania’s independence was complicated and stormy, marked by geopolitical tensions and diplomatic manoeuvres. The European powers of the time, including Russia, Austria-Hungary and Italy, played significant roles in the process. Each of these nations exercised their political influence in the Balkans, seeking to shape the region’s destiny according to their own interests.</div><b><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Legacy of the League of Prizren</b></h2></b><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite the complexities and challenges, the climax of Rilindja came with Albania’s historic declaration of independence on 28 November 1912. This landmark event marked the end of Ottoman rule and the beginning of a new era for the Albanian people. This was followed by the formation of the first Albanian government, a significant step towards the realisation of national aspirations.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhhziQrt_Z-1xRR1Aa47rJ_9PXOOHaU5vYkY2Hi5aRHC2nQ3PPxxZYGnmSuiA_IpVFawXxLkvmva1fDMar9Vlksy6F6x30L9rtg6faaq654_pVMWTtR6JDmm2V8v6c90fdvnD1BHQ0rMTBbL1T9zUFULgXUBqFtiRRh2N2h7AwuoAwMX0vqeiyIpCh2T_0/s2500/img41.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2500" data-original-width="1494" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhhziQrt_Z-1xRR1Aa47rJ_9PXOOHaU5vYkY2Hi5aRHC2nQ3PPxxZYGnmSuiA_IpVFawXxLkvmva1fDMar9Vlksy6F6x30L9rtg6faaq654_pVMWTtR6JDmm2V8v6c90fdvnD1BHQ0rMTBbL1T9zUFULgXUBqFtiRRh2N2h7AwuoAwMX0vqeiyIpCh2T_0/w239-h400/img41.jpg" width="239" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Documents of the Government Code of the League of Prizren.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;">The declaration of independence was not only a moment of triumph for Albania; it also represented the culmination of decades of effort, sacrifice and determination. The struggle for independence was a test of strength and endurance for the Albanian people, who had to navigate through a complex web of international interests and internal challenges.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The celebration of the League of Prizren and the memory of Albania’s independence continue to resonate in contemporary Albanian culture and society. They are a vivid reminder of the strength and unity of the Albanian people, their ability to fight for their ideals and forge their own destiny. The history of the Rilindja is a precious legacy that continues to inspire present and future generations, highlighting the importance of safeguarding national identity, sovereignty and democratic values.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoXRtZVWxJ-z_proHiy4jwxbUsl_KWFkF4z6AwkYpUvxsKliXvrThnwAuTdLubUzhCbpaOuj6bGWx35qKRlJUZ6kFnVJ8PIAylj1HT4qlAKAQlcvAn4FoTHODdOjUZ7WcfPOxxFks4ApPFeC51yjmeL0ORk7zMe8A4G_0A1PqM1NvYJ7cGXybcUa3A6Aw/s1492/img41%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="853" data-original-width="1492" height="229" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoXRtZVWxJ-z_proHiy4jwxbUsl_KWFkF4z6AwkYpUvxsKliXvrThnwAuTdLubUzhCbpaOuj6bGWx35qKRlJUZ6kFnVJ8PIAylj1HT4qlAKAQlcvAn4FoTHODdOjUZ7WcfPOxxFks4ApPFeC51yjmeL0ORk7zMe8A4G_0A1PqM1NvYJ7cGXybcUa3A6Aw/w400-h229/img41%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The house where the Prizren Assembly met.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In conclusion, the Rilindja period and the League of Prizren represent a significant part of Albania’s cultural and historical heritage. Their legacy continues to influence the country, providing a framework for understanding Albanian identity and the fundamental principles that guided the nation towards independence. The commemoration of these events is not only a tribute to history, but also a constant reminder of the importance of unity, determination and national pride in building a prosperous and democratic future (Skendi, 1967).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Key Figures of Movement</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">The importance of some key individuals who played crucial roles during the Rilindja, the Albanian Renaissance, cannot be emphasised enough. They not only influenced the path of the movement but also left a lasting legacy in the culture and history of Albania.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjH9xCO74wwgxFH92H6-mxiK-BWiNchvV49ydTcqkkPpB_UEP64GjeKr6tYejD1hf9bA1pN_Yi46zrADgyl2M0i6dSVwxW0g3sJoebVwuQAXFVGlvidTMUIcl_EX1C3YjDN_p2BiiwQ-xHkSZhTAU4W3Sw3fEPb3XYXW5D-1jERtvkCNMW95u_0mpEcp8/s1701/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-33_page-0001%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1701" data-original-width="1265" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjjH9xCO74wwgxFH92H6-mxiK-BWiNchvV49ydTcqkkPpB_UEP64GjeKr6tYejD1hf9bA1pN_Yi46zrADgyl2M0i6dSVwxW0g3sJoebVwuQAXFVGlvidTMUIcl_EX1C3YjDN_p2BiiwQ-xHkSZhTAU4W3Sw3fEPb3XYXW5D-1jERtvkCNMW95u_0mpEcp8/w298-h400/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-33_page-0001%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="298" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Some prominent members of the Rilindja League.</span></b></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><a name="_Hlk143882525"><span style="line-height: 107%;"></span></a></p><div style="text-align: justify;"><a name="_Hlk143882525"><span style="line-height: 107%;">Naim Frashëri, a prominent poet and writer, is one such emblematic figure. A significant contributor to Albanian literature and culture, Frashëri is known for his works expressing a deep love for his homeland and a burning desire for freedom. His words ignited the spark of national passion, resonating with Albanians of all ages.</span></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div><a name="_Hlk143882525"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="color: red; font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: red; font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"></span></span></span></a><span style="color: red; font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="color: red; font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a name="_Hlk143882525"></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh2RaWSTL0adMswzM00ioEOAqnIcDf0TVWo-X4MnrfBoxttsYkM1tp_rW20M0Um9QWgr2bNhzta-BcZeTarC6QOFu6IHK9MzS8PDzKU4hR4aeCmIVo_YXz6ZZ5E1DyHdXhbbhLjdNJnW0DRjjdkbmldYypra2R9aIlkmTqViyq68DfuZ3pEPru5mr6WJJA/s1794/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1794" data-original-width="1320" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh2RaWSTL0adMswzM00ioEOAqnIcDf0TVWo-X4MnrfBoxttsYkM1tp_rW20M0Um9QWgr2bNhzta-BcZeTarC6QOFu6IHK9MzS8PDzKU4hR4aeCmIVo_YXz6ZZ5E1DyHdXhbbhLjdNJnW0DRjjdkbmldYypra2R9aIlkmTqViyq68DfuZ3pEPru5mr6WJJA/w294-h400/01.jpg" width="294" /></a></div></span></span><b><div style="text-align: center;"><a name="_Hlk143882525"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Naim Frashëri and some of his works.</span></b></span></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><a name="_Hlk143882525"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></span></a></div></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Gjergj Fishta, a Franciscan priest and one of the most important Albanian poets of the 20th century, also left an indelible mark. His best-known work, ‘Lahuta and Malcís’, is considered the Albanian national epic and symbolises the relentless struggle for independence. Through poetry, Fishta gave voice to the aspirations of his people, expressing the pain, hope and determination that characterised that historical period.<span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sami Frashëri and Pashko Vasa, both prominent intellectuals and activists, also played vital roles in the Albanian national cause. Frashëri, a well-known writer and philosopher, dedicated his life to promoting Albanian education and culture, firmly believing in the power of education as a tool for emancipation. His progressive ideas and thinking had a lasting impact on the national movement.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Pashko Vasa, for his part, remained famous for his commitment to promoting unity among Albanians, regardless of their religion. In an era marked by divisions and tensions, his vision of a united and cohesive nation was a beacon of hope and a model to follow.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOusFLPqCQgnW1ptbsohrUF5QSVhCD9dt-7UQyNAQdurB0IPHjLp7TDhARLxzHsNS1GxWs0GP2P_uIhSDadbPLysWvsdWRbcdi8toUB1ELbtmghnqJg6zPXhtSi_0E6Bo7Se33GuveOhBtYs89Ulnxt8h93_JLjQE5e9XhpUMe9g06SZixe-dIB5yHw7M/s1782/02.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1782" data-original-width="1324" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOusFLPqCQgnW1ptbsohrUF5QSVhCD9dt-7UQyNAQdurB0IPHjLp7TDhARLxzHsNS1GxWs0GP2P_uIhSDadbPLysWvsdWRbcdi8toUB1ELbtmghnqJg6zPXhtSi_0E6Bo7Se33GuveOhBtYs89Ulnxt8h93_JLjQE5e9XhpUMe9g06SZixe-dIB5yHw7M/w298-h400/02.jpg" width="298" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Pashko Vasa and some of his works.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Together, these figures wove the fabric of Rilindja, guiding the Albanian people through a period of transformation and awakening. Their legacy lives on in literature, art and the values that define Albanian identity. Their efforts and sacrifice are a constant reminder of the importance of unity, culture and education in building a strong and independent nation. Their voices still resonate today, inspiring new generations to keep alive the spirit of autonomy, dignity and national pride (Elsie, 2012).</div><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Independence Process and the Influence of European Powers</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">During Albania’s independence process, the interest and influence of European powers played a key role. Countries such as Russia, Austria-Hungary and Italy closely followed events in the Balkans, each exerting their own political and strategic influence in the region. This geopolitical dynamic made Albania’s path to independence a complex and multifaceted issue.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><b></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwbP5FZWy3_1K243evy4grfCHU8-yD2V7Iqglk7O7uNByHEE50FNVpJ8MWR4HtU-KbJ-kvZIB2gBRjQnfAy7CzKCmvsvKZ8xkIyfFdxtJBLKxTUbIVklVcjpj7aLV0x28475QzTG1VpFEwBQkEOlNrP_M0dzpzWtL54LLtssE98Fiy2_IPnMa-wPrRKBM/s2032/img41.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1312" data-original-width="2032" height="259" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwbP5FZWy3_1K243evy4grfCHU8-yD2V7Iqglk7O7uNByHEE50FNVpJ8MWR4HtU-KbJ-kvZIB2gBRjQnfAy7CzKCmvsvKZ8xkIyfFdxtJBLKxTUbIVklVcjpj7aLV0x28475QzTG1VpFEwBQkEOlNrP_M0dzpzWtL54LLtssE98Fiy2_IPnMa-wPrRKBM/w400-h259/img41.jpg" width="400" /></a></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The military fleet of the great powers in front of Ulcinj</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The competing ambitions and interests of the great powers created an intricate political environment, but despite the complexities and challenges, the Albanian people remained determined in their aspiration for sovereignty. The culmination of the Rilindja, the Albanian cultural and national awakening, came with Albania’s historic declaration of independence on 28 November 1912. This event marked the end of the long Ottoman rule over the nation and the beginning of a new era.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The declaration of independence was not only a symbolic moment, but led to the formation of the first Albanian government. The principles and ideals that had guided the Rilindja became the foundation of an independent nation. The sense of identity, unity and pride that had been cultivated during the Albanian Renaissance movement took shape in the very fabric of the state.</div><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Post-Independence Impact</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">The impact of Rilindja on post-independence Albania was, without a doubt, remarkable. The ideas, institutions and reforms formed and implemented during this crucial period shaped 20th century Albania, profoundly influencing its politics, culture and social identity. The Rilindja marked a radical transformation in the country’s life, instilling values of autonomy, education and national identity that continue to resonate in modern Albanian society (Elsie, 2012).</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiAezlVXdUs5tN_iP6SKcfNxdjR4CoUnlwQnxGdGts-fG-zBWhEoHsWqMsv6LHd_68n7aALewS0teyIoHR0toTBajN6Rjw8kZiEJqTaLU2-aanF9KOF6c1gPTPkNLuCVgnwJQ4VflYK7LYKRM_2BRYaVWMkNOF4rkp1b8xwE-3jHp0saEJTuQmSeMbOXPA/s2434/img41.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1148" data-original-width="2434" height="189" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiAezlVXdUs5tN_iP6SKcfNxdjR4CoUnlwQnxGdGts-fG-zBWhEoHsWqMsv6LHd_68n7aALewS0teyIoHR0toTBajN6Rjw8kZiEJqTaLU2-aanF9KOF6c1gPTPkNLuCVgnwJQ4VflYK7LYKRM_2BRYaVWMkNOF4rkp1b8xwE-3jHp0saEJTuQmSeMbOXPA/w400-h189/img41.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Ismail Kemal Vlora on the first anniversary of Albanian independence, 1913.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The story of Rilindja is a testimony to the power of cultural and national awakening. It shows how commitment to education, literature, art and politics can converge in a powerful movement that not only redefines a country but leaves a lasting legacy. It is a seminal chapter in Albanian history, but also an illuminating example of how a people can reclaim its destiny with determination, creativity and courage.</div><b><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Rilindja in the European Context</b></h2></b><div style="text-align: justify;">Rilindja, translated into Italian as ‘Renaissance’, was not only a crucial phase in the history of Albania, but also a phenomenon that fit perfectly into the broader context of the national awakening movements that took place throughout Europe in the 19th century. In a period marked by revolutions, political transformations and the emergence of ideas of nationalism, Albania experienced its own awakening, defining a unique and vibrant national identity.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYaBChLVSDMkaGhSrHWJTY2__muuFS0Fv6FshDUAERkWG3rd5-p0iMGMpnRVKvU3TyT3pdwu7ew1YjOu0aRr8D_dRW3TS1MNip4A6FBgB9VJtk7bqTPSpm61mYemaoMpjcte5QzObBVyC1aVk5ld1LL8S19v4rxcia9ZoLPFj89NeAmZzQCbDPunExMlk/s1701/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-231_page-0001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1701" data-original-width="1222" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYaBChLVSDMkaGhSrHWJTY2__muuFS0Fv6FshDUAERkWG3rd5-p0iMGMpnRVKvU3TyT3pdwu7ew1YjOu0aRr8D_dRW3TS1MNip4A6FBgB9VJtk7bqTPSpm61mYemaoMpjcte5QzObBVyC1aVk5ld1LL8S19v4rxcia9ZoLPFj89NeAmZzQCbDPunExMlk/w288-h400/rilindja_kombetare_shqiptare-231_page-0001.jpg" width="288" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Signatories and key members of the first Albanian government after the Declaration of Independence in 1912.</span></b></div><p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The ideas of nationalism, independence and self-determination that emerged during the Rilindja were not just expressions of a desire for freedom and sovereignty. They became the cornerstones of modern Albanian identity, shaping the values, principles and aspirations of the nation. The revival of language, culture and the tireless struggle for independence consolidated a solid foundation on which modern Albania was built (Clayer, 2007).</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Besides being a specifically Albanian phenomenon, the Rilindja had a significant impact on the European political landscape of the time. Albania’s struggle for autonomy and independence mirrored a broader movement that spanned the continent, influencing the political realities of many other nations. Rilindja was not an island, but part of a current of transformation that redefined south-eastern Europe and resonated far beyond the borders of Albania.</div><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>Conclusion: The Lasting Footprint of Rilindja</b></h2><div style="text-align: justify;">In conclusion, Rilindja represents a fundamental and fascinating chapter in Albanian history, but also an important example of how ideas of nationalism and self-determination can shape a nation and influence an entire region. It is a story of resistance, of creativity, of passion for freedom and independence, which continues to be a source of inspiration and a symbol of Albanian identity. Its lessons and impact continue to be relevant today, not only for Albania but for Europe and the entire world. Exactly, Rilindja’s legacy manifests itself not only in the pages of history but also in the hearts and minds of contemporary Albanians. It is a legacy of language, culture, national pride, and aspirations for freedom and independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The movement not only laid the foundation for the formation of modern Albania, but also forged a sense of identity and belonging that has stood the tests of time. The courage and determination shown during that period have become symbols of Albanian independence and continue to inspire the Albanian people.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Rilindja is, therefore, not only a chapter in Albanian history but a vivid reminder of what it means to be Albanian. Its lessons are embedded in the institutions, culture and aspirations of the nation. He continues to be a source of inspiration for future generations, a model of resilience, creativity and dedication to the principles of freedom and self-determination. Its continuous and profound resonance proves that Rilindja is not an event relegated to the past, but a living phenomenon that continues to shape the Albania of today and tomorrow.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<h3 style="text-align: left;"><b>Bibliography</b></h3><br /><br /><blockquote>1. Skendi, Stavro. "The Albanian National Awakening." Princeton University Press, 1967. <br /><br />2. Elsie, Robert. "A Biographical Dictionary of Albanian History." I.B.Tauris, 2012. <br /><br />3. Clayer, Nathalie. "Aux origines du nationalisme albanais: La naissance d’une nation majoritairement musulmane en Europe." Karthala Editions, 2007. <br /><br />4. Pipa, Arshi. "The Politics of Language in Socialist Albania." East European Monographs, 1989. <br /><br />5. Gawrych, George. "The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874-1913." IB Tauris, 2006.</blockquote></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-57172595385630937142023-07-22T15:00:00.332-07:002023-10-29T03:11:36.831-07:00Albania Opens the door (1992)<p> </p><h1 style="text-align: center;">Albania Opens the door<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/07_Luglio/01_Testo/01_Albania_open_the%20_door.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a></h1><h2 style="text-align: center;">By Dusko Doder <br />Photographs by Nicole Bengiveno</h2><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: red;"><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/07/shqiperia-hap-deren-1992.html" target="_blank">Lexo artikullin në shqip </a> </span> </b> <a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/07/albania-apre-la-porta-1992.html" target="_blank">Leggi l'articolo in italiano</a></div></b><p style="text-align: justify;"><i>Dusko Doder, winner of the Overseas Press Club award for his reporting from Moscow, is a free- lance journalist based in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. His forthcoming book on Albania will be published by Times Books. Nicole Bengiveno is a staff photographer for the New York Daily News. This is her first story for the GEOGRAPHIC.</i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjII3bTnJWq9CsvHHaadQy4dfcoGhPbsVz9imtiCjHl60_sKNph11aLx8rlwy94Maa5piXN0WbEMTyorejEK0PnN1ae5K5-6oLYKgaeKF-oEVZgwHxRBpdNGp7h5GU5T-rOwMuTVlwLxknUZD290j2TaR9WWgaHg1bO29XaYxBggbNor-r2jXGMj62rK8Y/s840/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="561" data-original-width="840" height="214" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjII3bTnJWq9CsvHHaadQy4dfcoGhPbsVz9imtiCjHl60_sKNph11aLx8rlwy94Maa5piXN0WbEMTyorejEK0PnN1ae5K5-6oLYKgaeKF-oEVZgwHxRBpdNGp7h5GU5T-rOwMuTVlwLxknUZD290j2TaR9WWgaHg1bO29XaYxBggbNor-r2jXGMj62rK8Y/w320-h214/01.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><br /><p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><b>A working bus</b> is a prize to grab in Tirana, the poorest capital in Europe, where trips to find jobs or goods often lead nowhere. Albanians still pay a heavy price for the 40 years Stalinist dictator Enver Hoxha kept their nation isolated from the world.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7FvbkCJlcTb2eT2m5DcHMcCRp-guC8stfHGWB2ZMElRQd6vCU9-GVMq_Tf6Pxs7W8S0wzS3Hnp4QSB68W15Zr8XumrbMDITs0wMoJSSnU91QgogNtikFp1YsGMW_xETM41Ct_hngVltedZsfvkfaVGSIZOAhAheNZ1QDQEKeXYSMsn5qBhtqrdWCZDno/s2762/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2224" data-original-width="2762" height="323" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7FvbkCJlcTb2eT2m5DcHMcCRp-guC8stfHGWB2ZMElRQd6vCU9-GVMq_Tf6Pxs7W8S0wzS3Hnp4QSB68W15Zr8XumrbMDITs0wMoJSSnU91QgogNtikFp1YsGMW_xETM41Ct_hngVltedZsfvkfaVGSIZOAhAheNZ1QDQEKeXYSMsn5qBhtqrdWCZDno/w400-h323/03.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">While Hoxha’s handpicked successor, Ramiz Alia (above), presided over the dissolution of communism in Albania, the next generation-brandishing national flags with the star removed-demanded a voice. “We used to have a rabbit inside of us,” said an artist sick of repression, “but now a big dog is barking all the time.”<span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiX1aUTF0bMeGkXQtWrUVku-NWi-qi7LnoSDljR2l1V-_r2rropXL2HZAtBJwbi0TLGMmNIaApp_pbOqdo55XVMSbRn6NkslgLXw7t6kVUmxOz3_7xloE8Baq1o2h7oa_DzVotIM6dYnBCBGw1U9YrjA82phRwixEMov42_1vgd20COGIkB4N18PFX1JTQ/s986/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="820" data-original-width="986" height="333" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiX1aUTF0bMeGkXQtWrUVku-NWi-qi7LnoSDljR2l1V-_r2rropXL2HZAtBJwbi0TLGMmNIaApp_pbOqdo55XVMSbRn6NkslgLXw7t6kVUmxOz3_7xloE8Baq1o2h7oa_DzVotIM6dYnBCBGw1U9YrjA82phRwixEMov42_1vgd20COGIkB4N18PFX1JTQ/w400-h333/03.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Freedom equals escape</b> for those besieging the Yugoslav Embassy for visas or swarming a ship in hopes of a passage to Italy-or anywhere.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjz8wX-7ksKVMEIAPx7bJ2SivBnQioFRMeU9TOTG2k9Ficm4QJuHHeoi6MosIgSAv9ntr283qGnIB31ZiRPBaLuTULIJ8JkB-i6w-qgIwSIO-vy5juU-Mv1oe3ReOvmfLmn-I6LsQJo2qPCGCz3rrCQS1vShwESUiZmD_K3ThamEa35me_wybrX0c9nNak/s2930/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2930" data-original-width="1943" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjz8wX-7ksKVMEIAPx7bJ2SivBnQioFRMeU9TOTG2k9Ficm4QJuHHeoi6MosIgSAv9ntr283qGnIB31ZiRPBaLuTULIJ8JkB-i6w-qgIwSIO-vy5juU-Mv1oe3ReOvmfLmn-I6LsQJo2qPCGCz3rrCQS1vShwESUiZmD_K3ThamEa35me_wybrX0c9nNak/w265-h400/05.jpg" width="265" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgWXYrK7d0OjnvkHE-a3051TwGh62fIq2Sk8Cdz2ZLHtmKzWLQyBhtYZLb4tXaJenORmIHt99_AgBG6-MQ0vw-pYxm5D5Ras_WStP4vwdQApqvv6S8IuvLKvZR3tZEa83r4irdDmILm3BFsuLS8vom4lnHJJeUWDvJYCtPa_KHKfmPrXBEH81rgVD5vVAc/s1372/06%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1372" data-original-width="965" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgWXYrK7d0OjnvkHE-a3051TwGh62fIq2Sk8Cdz2ZLHtmKzWLQyBhtYZLb4tXaJenORmIHt99_AgBG6-MQ0vw-pYxm5D5Ras_WStP4vwdQApqvv6S8IuvLKvZR3tZEa83r4irdDmILm3BFsuLS8vom4lnHJJeUWDvJYCtPa_KHKfmPrXBEH81rgVD5vVAc/w281-h400/06%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="281" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>Michel Setboun, Rapho/JB Pictures</b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEii4Y7LVpKXbpLpCqcmbCqS59iOgjg7Ow02RH4rE2j2oGrm787deOgnAASiE3rb6g-nkSnsY_32mlW72t6ViwgIigDZrhD0GDVIAHblZpdw2XgX_zcu82dnXK09Zfr_eC641D79IJKqz-9JHO-X1HDY-M8PKypmV3AfO2L5KKncgMCplNTA-Hg9p3U16eU/s1633/07.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1087" data-original-width="1633" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEii4Y7LVpKXbpLpCqcmbCqS59iOgjg7Ow02RH4rE2j2oGrm787deOgnAASiE3rb6g-nkSnsY_32mlW72t6ViwgIigDZrhD0GDVIAHblZpdw2XgX_zcu82dnXK09Zfr_eC641D79IJKqz-9JHO-X1HDY-M8PKypmV3AfO2L5KKncgMCplNTA-Hg9p3U16eU/w400-h266/07.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">To entrepreneurs, freedom equals goods from Greece, where they swap livestock for electronics and appliances.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Shopping for food</b> is like stalking prey,” says photographer Bengiveno. Shortages are chronic, and loaves from a state-run bread factory are gone by afternoon. So when bread made with donated Turkish flour goes on sale, crowds clamor at a bakery that must keep its loaves behind barred doors.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJ766eQ1mlWiFlbSAmAKvuma0yCnVZfujxTMisW3RsTnRTrS6fcKpo943SYLoFTndM3_uTw1acJEdNQ2QjlXLm87Ny6u9M7ELyh_s6sJW18cKK19K8hSNOjJR8hOFDX4o_cIkpTUoP7Sxsw0QHd4ynIW6Wy1i5L0_QPEYsmfHYk4jSafqESjcbF4XSVFU/s2867/08.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2229" data-original-width="2867" height="311" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJ766eQ1mlWiFlbSAmAKvuma0yCnVZfujxTMisW3RsTnRTrS6fcKpo943SYLoFTndM3_uTw1acJEdNQ2QjlXLm87Ny6u9M7ELyh_s6sJW18cKK19K8hSNOjJR8hOFDX4o_cIkpTUoP7Sxsw0QHd4ynIW6Wy1i5L0_QPEYsmfHYk4jSafqESjcbF4XSVFU/w400-h311/08.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_3i90vHxrPzNSspw5jZXrL1EOf89MW6oAwME-IppbZcBcMEmZgt8toOcBLllDFMz6OpGi7W6G6-5WJA7ySaRpzGI1qAGxr8GzzqesgbITUI2ZYqSbB5os8bvIXnfMhqAD1Bdz_ogy5dwc7qaFtxWm1g_3XEdFoK6Ip6Swrs6DNUmSgTKlzHaXHGwdSJ4/s985/07..jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="790" data-original-width="985" height="321" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_3i90vHxrPzNSspw5jZXrL1EOf89MW6oAwME-IppbZcBcMEmZgt8toOcBLllDFMz6OpGi7W6G6-5WJA7ySaRpzGI1qAGxr8GzzqesgbITUI2ZYqSbB5os8bvIXnfMhqAD1Bdz_ogy5dwc7qaFtxWm1g_3XEdFoK6Ip6Swrs6DNUmSgTKlzHaXHGwdSJ4/w400-h321/07..jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Turning from the busy highway onto a secluded country road, I followed the rusty signs, leaving a cloud of dust and the noisy world of Yugoslavia behind, heading into the austere land of Albania. With each mile the road grew bumpier and narrower, Centuries fell away.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I call it a road for convenience’ sake. I wondered if it had been deliberately kept in poor repair to discourage invasion, a problem for Albania since the dawn of time. A few sticks of dynamite would have been sufficient to set boulders tumbling down to seal off the border.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhORMyp3oj2WG84mK82Q-O94HF-mjJor8f0wx9e9NH7VdKalSao8rbT3CCKVg6EuhcfBeUtlnKQJNN-hP0rWjjIkXMimA4eEgN-PfHackhQEJuIZiaACgEMtIkDEcst8fm7AJT9JVVlblFAMtXkiKhwDK_0-ft-yEbB7z_pb1eE4TB7To8uL5251JiNs1c/s1607/09.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1607" data-original-width="945" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhORMyp3oj2WG84mK82Q-O94HF-mjJor8f0wx9e9NH7VdKalSao8rbT3CCKVg6EuhcfBeUtlnKQJNN-hP0rWjjIkXMimA4eEgN-PfHackhQEJuIZiaACgEMtIkDEcst8fm7AJT9JVVlblFAMtXkiKhwDK_0-ft-yEbB7z_pb1eE4TB7To8uL5251JiNs1c/w235-h400/09.jpg" width="235" /></a></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm;"></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>The mountainous road from Sarandë to Vlorë follows the rugged Ionian coast. Below, a beach stretches for empty miles. Off-limits under the Hoxha regime, the undeveloped coast could become an asset for tourism.</b></span></div><br /><br /><div><div style="text-align: justify;">It was New Year’s Eve 1990. I approached Albania for the first time, with a mixture of uncertainty and trepidation. As a foreign correspondent, I had lived in several communist countries, and this one had the reputation of being the most repressive and paranoid of all.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A country slightly larger than Maryland, with a population of 3.4 million, Albania was just opening its borders to the outside world. Under Enver Hoxha, who ruled Albania like a feudal fiefdom from 1944 until his death in 1985, the country became a Stalinist time capsule, one of the world’s cruelest dictatorships, where wives of disgraced party members were ordered to divorce their husbands, where beards were banned, where all foreign credits and business were forbidden, where religion was outlawed, and where criticizing food shortages could land you and your relatives in prison. Even tourists were unwelcome. As Hoxha put it: “Why should we turn our country into an inn with doors flung open to pigs and sows?”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I drove as far as no-man’s-land, between Yugoslavia and the border station at Hani i Hotit, and halted the car. Somewhere here was the epicenter of my world. Behind me, in the Montenegrin mountains, was the boyhood home of my father; straight ahead and 20 miles south was the city of Shkodër, where my maternal grandparents once lived.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The air was damp, perfumed with the scent of Adriatic flowers. My serenity was broken by a group of bedraggled travelers from Yugoslavia. They were hauling bags and suitcases along a lifeless, single-track road toward rolls of barbed wire and grim-faced guards watching Albania’s border. I stared at the travelers for a long time.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">If my widowed paternal grandmother had not moved to St. Louis with her sons and daughters, I could well have been among those people lugging their suitcases to the border. But would I still be me? Was I one of them? This was to become my recurring fancy on my journey into Albania, which I would visit six times in 1991, just as the country was making its painful transition from communism and Hoxha’s demented legacy.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The border guard rolled back an iron gate and smiled at me. He showed me where to park, then climbed the steps into the dingy customs station. I followed.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Another group of men and women was leaving the first of a trickle of legal visitors to Yugoslavia, where they saw relatives from whom they had been cut off for more than four decades.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wordlessly, a 30-something border guard leafed through my passport, lingering over each stamp as if it contained a secret code. When he was done, he passed my documents to another man, and then he shocked me by addressing me in flawless English.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Come, let me buy you a drink while you’re waiting for your passport.” He had taught himself English by listening to foreign language broadcasts on the radio, a crime punishable by prison under Hoxha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The guard led me away, and we sipped sweet coffee and a sweet Albanian Riesling in another room. He insisted on paying, a native instinct for hospitality I was to encounter time and again. And he did not protest when I placed a carton of cigarettes on his desk. With in minutes of entering Albania, I discovered that even the most Orwellian of dictators had been unable to suppress human nature completely. There was hope here.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Wanting to be at the center</b> of things, I sped along the road toward the capital, Tirana, regretting that I knew so little about my ancestors. I had never inquired why my mother’s parents moved to Austria-Hungary, but undoubtedly they left for the same reason thousands of Albanians emigrate today, to search for a better life.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Mother’s parents and four brothers had died by the time she was in her teens, and she never set foot in Albania. She had to submerge her identity after she married into a Serb family, and after the communists seized power, she had no further contact with Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Even after Hoxha died and revolution swept communism from the rest of Eastern Europe in 1989, Albania remained a country apart, still stubbornly communist, a land that had wandered away from the known world and meant to stay that way. Hoxha’s heir, Ramiz Alia, upheld the draconian tradition.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Only in 1990 did revolutionary waves begin spilling over into the Land of the Eagle, as the Albanians call their country. In July a crowd of 5,700 stormed foreign missions in Tirana, demanding that the government allow them to emigrate. In December students took to the streets calling for reforms; riots broke out; and the economy unraveled. The first alternative party was formed, and some political prisoners were released. Alia’s government was forced to stage multiparty elections; in March 1991 a pluralistic parliament was elected.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Hoxha nightmare was finally ending. But I soon discovered that it would take years, perhaps generations, for Albania to catch up with the modern world. Driving through the countryside for nearly an hour, I saw no other cars. Now and then a Chinese-made truck, sheep-faced and indestructible, appeared in a swirl of dust ahead. Cows, pigs, ducks, and chickens-moving along the road with complete impartiality-slowed me down. So did wheelbarrows and oxcarts, which shared the road with peasants on foot and on donkey.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I saw three schoolchildren, no more than ten ye<span><!--more--></span>ars old, standing by the road and stopped to pick them up. They wore a sort of school uniform, black dresses with red neckerchiefs. Unable to speak their language, I offered each of them a banana. They giggled nervously and declined to eat. I doubt if they had ever seen the fruit before. It was also my impression that they had never been inside a passenger car. They did not know how to sit, how to open the door. One of the girls just stared at me with her mouth open.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgegNq6Z0WUwr356t1hPWexLDlVPOfDrB8yGIagw2rxNTrJPzHRfCh3SJTmbPGwDxkWyRYCQzXv-4E6dZdfSVtDN3ALcLoE_rcXtMklp8LuiK2kvxlX4X6vygPb1HXEGn5842TBbTwt6hYK2UrVLi9Ki-Y4wQ2yjTN2CKgZI_X7Svodw2mqWQd0HIn0YQ0/s2754/10.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1816" data-original-width="2754" height="264" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgegNq6Z0WUwr356t1hPWexLDlVPOfDrB8yGIagw2rxNTrJPzHRfCh3SJTmbPGwDxkWyRYCQzXv-4E6dZdfSVtDN3ALcLoE_rcXtMklp8LuiK2kvxlX4X6vygPb1HXEGn5842TBbTwt6hYK2UrVLi9Ki-Y4wQ2yjTN2CKgZI_X7Svodw2mqWQd0HIn0YQ0/w400-h264/10.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><b style="font-size: x-small;">Shut away no longer, former political prisoners seek redress for their outcast families. Gjon Mark Ndou (above, in dark jacket) was jailed in a cramped cell for 25 years. For themselves and for the nation, says an Albanian intellectual, “they need to tell their stories.” In May government workers removed the remains of Enver Hoxha from his regal tomb (below) for reburial in a public cemetery.</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi1vDNklMJ0kJyhbdHQHkiNsRNm9c-idcsg4MW9AAnR4rzWVn4Tywbkcv8lD18KTyvH4AQXfr5ZpgsnSEjZT7iSL_Cz6qrDZkMOvodUMeZSdwrGWOuhDO696krIRYIVsKnWZ8tcKhZn0i6qxi5RvhQyTbayPWS7LVhE6HdV4B8t2_91Ko9Ng53Mg7gOboY/s1640/11.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1054" data-original-width="1640" height="258" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi1vDNklMJ0kJyhbdHQHkiNsRNm9c-idcsg4MW9AAnR4rzWVn4Tywbkcv8lD18KTyvH4AQXfr5ZpgsnSEjZT7iSL_Cz6qrDZkMOvodUMeZSdwrGWOuhDO696krIRYIVsKnWZ8tcKhZn0i6qxi5RvhQyTbayPWS7LVhE6HdV4B8t2_91Ko9Ng53Mg7gOboY/w400-h258/11.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">As soon as I stopped the car and opened the door to let them out, they scampered down the mountainside as if they had just escaped from a spaceship.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The towns I passed through had a gaunt, untidy look; the shops were shabby and virtually empty. In one store all I found was two sacks of potatoes, four moldy cabbages, and a few cans of fish.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The experience underlined how much Hoxha’s socialist propaganda of progress was a piece of Balkan theater. Although the dictator had been dead for more than five years, his spirit lived on. In early 1991 Hoxha’s statue still dominated every city and town, his visage touched up to look handsome, wise, caring, and fatherly.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I entered Tirana just as the capital city was waking from its long sleep. Amid the faded grandeur of the main squares and streets, hopeful people talked of little else but politics.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEit6XCECXNan-x5jbipdAlBYHZItPwvWyNeP2RpmpX34eyppN1MFTpocIWKU2m1BIrZSDMPYY6cS7Q7fSLDWszCQQ0C7oC7wQpHRwSVKlicWS4TG4e26kGcfy1T9RYDjHmNa9sg-163wO6KAxUbCzXn7n6GagZRGRMz90ilmeG9eUhub3jnRglXHln_URA/s3517/11.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2542" data-original-width="3517" height="289" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEit6XCECXNan-x5jbipdAlBYHZItPwvWyNeP2RpmpX34eyppN1MFTpocIWKU2m1BIrZSDMPYY6cS7Q7fSLDWszCQQ0C7oC7wQpHRwSVKlicWS4TG4e26kGcfy1T9RYDjHmNa9sg-163wO6KAxUbCzXn7n6GagZRGRMz90ilmeG9eUhub3jnRglXHln_URA/w400-h289/11.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Tending Soviet- and Chinese-made machinery a generation old, a worker makes slow progress in a factory that converts scrap metal into tractor parts. The average weekly wage was only 250 leks-about five dollars-in early 1992, and unemployment approached 80 percent. Western economists say that undoing decades of Stalinist central planning will take another ten years. Even initiative has to be learned. Officials at the University of Tirana want to invite U. S. economists to help train faculty members. But, says a vice-rector, “We really have no idea how to begin to make contacts.”</span></b></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5YqktdDM8ZiHnwPzJrCEPtw5GuKcYyiN_9tYs62Ecn49ZDH1P90QhSRwgQUzebBcqLqKuzhhAEhCrVslgrXyA7WQPSDTev3LzwGO-ydsaBQPUxoqdiiiRSCYMGbCbFCzH3V_S9Kqi5H_6l758AFGX2ziDPiNxnkPmhzfmX8FIOAfOYt2nvvDZo6SekL0/s1492/16.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1492" data-original-width="965" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5YqktdDM8ZiHnwPzJrCEPtw5GuKcYyiN_9tYs62Ecn49ZDH1P90QhSRwgQUzebBcqLqKuzhhAEhCrVslgrXyA7WQPSDTev3LzwGO-ydsaBQPUxoqdiiiRSCYMGbCbFCzH3V_S9Kqi5H_6l758AFGX2ziDPiNxnkPmhzfmX8FIOAfOYt2nvvDZo6SekL0/w259-h400/16.jpg" width="259" /></a></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A river of promenaders crests nightly in Tirana (above). With few telephones available, it’s the traditional way to catch up with friends. New to traffic, farmers in Shkodër (below) loaded down with cornstalk fodder can now freely market</span></b></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvIMmyFmVdvvMgEh3zQsrk9G3cd9NyxflimUOp3mwUECeL0lK8qQr3Jfvz8dV89Y84VsD-jORN9Xkhd_pZQ6AjUCDzNz4ganHTe2e76NRAXWY9CoinYvdgTOcCMa2zBbdNM6XVcgE-13J11iQiqcTt0uki-noQQ3hN_NH279NcT3zdsFZv1ZykdGCAWEw/s2937/13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2937" data-original-width="1957" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvIMmyFmVdvvMgEh3zQsrk9G3cd9NyxflimUOp3mwUECeL0lK8qQr3Jfvz8dV89Y84VsD-jORN9Xkhd_pZQ6AjUCDzNz4ganHTe2e76NRAXWY9CoinYvdgTOcCMa2zBbdNM6XVcgE-13J11iQiqcTt0uki-noQQ3hN_NH279NcT3zdsFZv1ZykdGCAWEw/w266-h400/13.jpg" width="266" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">Loggers, factory workers, students, and clerks stood in the middle of the street, chatting as if to make up for all the lost time.</p><div style="text-align: justify;">Hundreds of them flocked daily to the offices of the new Democratic Party. This frigid perch-the villa that the communist government had given the new party had no heat was filled with earnest discussion about free speech, a foreign concept among people who for decades could not trust neighbors or friends with their inner thoughts. Workers came in to ask for help in organizing strikes, an alien notion in Hoxha’s Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I was shivering in the office one day when a young activist named Arsem Kaustic walked in, clutched my arm, and would not let it go as he rattled on, with great indignation, about the communist thugs who were still at work in the countryside. They had tried to thwart his efforts to organize the Democratic Party in the small town of Laç. They had threatened to kill any reformers who ran for office. They knew no decency.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An old woman with faded blue eyes came in to tell me how Hoxha had enforced atheism. “He took my husband away more than 30 years ago because he was reading the Bible. My husband died in prison,” she said, sobbing. “Most of the priests were killed, or they died in prison. We kept our faith locked in our hearts-you didn’t dare discuss it with anybody.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">She left. A group of men burst in and an emaciated figure in a brown cloth cap began shouting. He announced his name, Gjelosh Gega, and his status: “I’m a political prisoner! I have been released! I wanted to come and thank the Democratic Party!”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He smiled a smile of pure joy, revealing a solitary tooth. The others had been rammed out by a border guard, Gega told me, when he and a companion had tried to escape Albania six years before. Gega, then 20, had been sentenced to 18 years. He was lucky. The guards shot his companion dead.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This new generation, I learned, wanted to erase everything linked to Hoxha. “Just look at our neighbors. They have all done better,” said Azem Hajdari, a stocky philosophy student from Tropoje who would later become a member of parliament. Within weeks of our meeting, Hajdari led students to topple Hoxha’s statue in Tirana’s central square, not far from a grotesque modern museum stuffed with the trivia of the dictator’s life.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“I want to turn that Hoxha museum into a giant disco,” Gramoz Pashko, an economics professor and co-founder of the Democratic Party, confided.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Once Albanians felt free to speak, the transformation from communism moved swiftly. By February 1991 strikes were breaking out, and protesters at the University of Tirana were showered with confetti made from the writings of Enver Hoxha, whose words had once been treated with biblical reverence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Enver,” the crowd shouted, “you are a thief! Where is our money?”</div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>There is a small-town quality </b>to Albanian life, so word quickly spread that my mother’s family had come from here. People came up to me, asking that I recite phrases and nursery rhymes from my childhood. Whenever I did, the response was the same-roars of laughter followed by an avalanche of words I could not understand. It was sufficient to guarantee acceptance, giving instant entry into a society that had spent decades perfecting its mistrust. They would smile at me as if to say, yes, he is foreign, but he is one of us. One of us. He has lived outside the prison, and maybe now we will too.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Tell me honestly,” said one man in his early 30s. “What does the outside world think of us? Are we really so backward? Are things really so terrible here? Compared with outside? Please tell me honestly.” He huddled down against the cold in his black, worn coat, waiting for the answer.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It was hard to tell him that, yes, his country was very backward and very poor.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“And can we become a part of Europe; is the difference so great?” This question was from a woman. Sure, I told her, with time. I judged her to be about 40, but I could not be certain; her pretty face was marked with deep worry lines. They looked permanent.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">My newfound friends included Bushy the waiter, always in a bow tie and always ready with a joke. (“I was named for President Bush,” he said.) There was the telephone operator Raymonda, elegantly dressed because her husband, Sophocles, sometimes drove his truck up to Yugoslavia and came back with many valuable goods. And vivacious Flutra, planning a fall wedding. (“You and your wife are invited,” she told me.)</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These new friends helped me understand Albania. Bashkim, a Democratic Party activist, invited me to the first coal-miners strike, at the Valias mine outside Tirana. When I arrived in my Mercedes-Benz, the miners turned, cheering and whistling. They pointed at the car and flashed the V for victory sign.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“What on earth did you tell them?” I asked Bashkim later.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“I told them I dream of a day when this courtyard is filled with cars like yours, all driven by miners!”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But other activists had a more realistic grasp of Albania’s fluttering economy. “God save us from having power,” said my friend Gramoz Pashko, who could see that Albania had stopped working for the moment, poised between socialism and a market economy. “It will not be easy to change a system that was completely collectivized,” he told me.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Not a single private café or shop brightened the grim Tirana streets as the winter of 1991 slipped toward spring. Indeed, peeking in the doors and windows of the capital’s work- shops, I often saw women hunched over their labor like figures out of Dickens, working sewing machines in the dark, pedaling furiously to keep the needles going.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the follow-up to Albania’s first multi-party elections, the country entered a new stage without properly marking the end of the old one. Key opposition figures, such as Sali Berisha and Gramoz Pashko, had themselves been members of the Communist Party just a few months earlier.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">And even though the communists won 65 percent of the votes cast in the spring of 1991, the election foreshadowed the demise of communism in Albania. The opposition swept virtually every town and city. Only in the countryside did the communists win. Ramiz Alia was still president, but he seemed to know that he was a transitory figure who could do little more than provide a sense of stability, spanning the regimes of the past and the future.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For most of her life, my mother was uncomfortable about Albania’s reputation as a weird and ghastly police state, and she seldom mentioned the place. But when she reached her 70s, a change occurred. Then she began to talk about her yearning to visit Shkodër, the city of her parents. In her imagination Shkodër became more attractive and exotic than any other place she had visited-the Great Wall of China, the Vatican, the Grand Canyon. Shkoder was in a category of its own, to be spoken of with a great deal of pride, a special flourish. She never made the trip.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By the time I arrived there, in early April, the city was a mess. Protesters jammed the streets, arguing that communists had won elections in the countryside, where two-thirds of the people live, through intimidation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: red;"><br /></span></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhOdMCILpboKAR5hsfAT9oWVApu8me0i-Vh-VTAx9P-qkbBPoK36BzY3BV04CJaCfqWNDKhefI27rWx9gdGgvMWmnOVlcWQNlqLR4UuI8K8v1RWhTsMg1AURfS-DJ_pNg7NtSihtzNILayxbR8NBLcBBbE2n9nXElf72Z7IGlFVq0cpuVBUWBqkhU1yuxE/s1990/18%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1411" data-original-width="1990" height="284" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhOdMCILpboKAR5hsfAT9oWVApu8me0i-Vh-VTAx9P-qkbBPoK36BzY3BV04CJaCfqWNDKhefI27rWx9gdGgvMWmnOVlcWQNlqLR4UuI8K8v1RWhTsMg1AURfS-DJ_pNg7NtSihtzNILayxbR8NBLcBBbE2n9nXElf72Z7IGlFVq0cpuVBUWBqkhU1yuxE/w400-h284/18%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>“We are short of everything from bandages to heart valves,” says a doctor in a Tirana emergency room, who treats a head injury as best he can. Scarce medicines come largely from European and U. S. donations. Feeding time seems sweet in the maternity ward, yet mortality rates remain high because of scarce equipment and inadequate nutrition for pregnant women. Each year desperate parents are forced to seek treatment for 70,000 malnourished children.</b></span></div></div></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiYZSoXdWTj9nhPp_dZFIsv9pqglmx2rqVxGQnZzkDalTFhVlJ1_YU_rsCjsXDBhpRcqOZIoj2nQ0Hhyu8tOHeiF3_LO823cCIcxTmwg0gVaK9JQU46MZ-rgab8l8tKSdW3LYNsQbpPc6pzjUquH-sdJhmAgCNOna3OQBHvxd991azbCUdIGFNG5mHcHa4/s1619/18.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1056" data-original-width="1619" height="261" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiYZSoXdWTj9nhPp_dZFIsv9pqglmx2rqVxGQnZzkDalTFhVlJ1_YU_rsCjsXDBhpRcqOZIoj2nQ0Hhyu8tOHeiF3_LO823cCIcxTmwg0gVaK9JQU46MZ-rgab8l8tKSdW3LYNsQbpPc6pzjUquH-sdJhmAgCNOna3OQBHvxd991azbCUdIGFNG5mHcHa4/w400-h261/18.jpg" width="400" /></a></span></div><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /><br /></span><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p><br /></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2dl9dvg20E1EqpK7JHt0KkyUlf12mxekWb5WJhw6D1u8fQQoTL0BMvYYIaoIAqidY0i-d1LZJjyp4iPBUNtQef4fdPmtq1FgvweLqLEf42MImfTMxiB-M85bVK7imd37qP7TmkhvJRbmfm4INz601jnfAGwcsJ9YOZOqnc0jdZHuYMe-JGjzAJzLpeHI/s1235/19.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="925" data-original-width="1235" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2dl9dvg20E1EqpK7JHt0KkyUlf12mxekWb5WJhw6D1u8fQQoTL0BMvYYIaoIAqidY0i-d1LZJjyp4iPBUNtQef4fdPmtq1FgvweLqLEf42MImfTMxiB-M85bVK7imd37qP7TmkhvJRbmfm4INz601jnfAGwcsJ9YOZOqnc0jdZHuYMe-JGjzAJzLpeHI/w400-h300/19.jpg" width="400" /></a></span></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A bonanza for eager young hands, an abandoned car is stripped clean. These youngsters are the first in two generations to grow up with the trappings of Western pop culture. For them, T-shirts sent by émigré relatives are the rage. Meanwhile, their toys are where they find them-even an empty box (below).</span></b></div></b><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjk9MKBv_VnCyXPtjFp50w7y-TRrEWTr671mKzry_vIGeRXBmW7tL0kA36FTpTO9ega-xNUuloPu2XVCUe2wLrKPp4mxX2aL1wGIj1sroF3JYtVNSc9uTtow3V0wnEDf_O4RAHzVk8N2cyfGxnmQPwuRT8-T_1b-zBzBId--ojeC63QRg0zKMgJOFxWrKg/s2930/20.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2930" data-original-width="2004" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjk9MKBv_VnCyXPtjFp50w7y-TRrEWTr671mKzry_vIGeRXBmW7tL0kA36FTpTO9ega-xNUuloPu2XVCUe2wLrKPp4mxX2aL1wGIj1sroF3JYtVNSc9uTtow3V0wnEDf_O4RAHzVk8N2cyfGxnmQPwuRT8-T_1b-zBzBId--ojeC63QRg0zKMgJOFxWrKg/w274-h400/20.jpg" width="274" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">Police opened fire, killing four young Democratic Party activists and injuring dozens of others. The crowd went wild and burned down the Communist Party headquarters. Black smoke coiled from the building as I drove into town, passing an armored vehicle, overturned and gutted.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I liked Shkoder’s defiant spirit, perhaps a remnant of the pride that made this city the capital of ancient Illyria, whose last king, Gentius, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Romans in 168 B.C. The city’s history is the torturous history of Albania. After Rome, Byzantium held sway here, followed by waves of conquest by Goths, Serbs, Bulgarians, Normans, Venetians, Ottoman Turks, Italians, and Germans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">One legacy of Ottoman rule is that Albania is Europe’s only predominantly Muslim country. In 1967, when Hoxha declared Albania an atheist state, roughly 70 percent of the population was Muslim, 20 percent Albanian Orthodox, and 10 percent Roman Catholic. Hoxha’s fierce attempts to eradicate all religions served to reinforce the religious tolerance that has existed for centuries.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I found the people of Shkodër to be hospitable and friendly. I struck up a conversation with Marash and Domenika Selmani and asked about my Grandfather Gjurchu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Never heard that name,” said Marash, giving the same disheartening answer I had encountered all around town.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Well, how about Kosmaçi?” I asked, trying the name of Mother’s aunt.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Of course!” Marash answered with a smile. “The teacher Pjerin Kosmaçi in our school. We’ll take you to him.” Following an alley, we came to a tiny row house on Skanderbeg Street. I saw nothing familiar in the face of Pjerin Kosmaçi, the teacher who lived there with his wife, their infant son, and Pjerin’s mother.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Our host was wary. Coffee was brought out, platitudes spoken, and gradually a thawing and a disappointment.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“I’m really not your cousin,” Pjerin said finally. “I think your cousin may be Jack Kosmaçi, who lives</div><div style="text-align: justify;">near Durrës.” Could I have Jack’s telephone number?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The word “telephone” produced an outburst of convulsive laughter. My host, his 71-year-old mother, and my friends Marash and Domenika responded like actors in a television sitcom scene, repeating the word and laughing and rolling their eyes. The phone-of which there were only 6,000 in the entire country-was the symbol of highest privilege. None of those here. But Pjerin offset my disappointment by scrawling Jack Kosmaçi’s address on a piece of paper and handing it to me.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I would get there as soon as possible, but first I was eager to meet Pjerin’s neighbor and cousin, a Roman Catholic priest named Simon Jubani.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He was 65 and very frail from the 26 years he had spent in one of Albania’s harshest jails. But Father Jubani was still capable of the fierceness that made him a national hero. Not long after his release in 1990, he confronted the government’s ban on religion by leading dozens of townspeople to the local church. Guarded by young Shkodër men with knives, Father Jubani stood in the weeds among longneglected tombstones and began to intone Shkodër’s first public Mass in more than two decades. By the time he finished, thousands of people, Muslims as well as Catholics, had packed the cemetery and spilled into the streets. The authorities backed down, and Father Jubani’s church reopened.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He invited me into his office, where a framed photograph of his meeting with Pope John Paul II attested to his new status after the years of neglect. Father Jubani knew the future would be very trying.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“It is difficult to pass from a tribal state to a democracy,” he told me. The transition would take time, but Albanians had already demonstrated their resilience. He reminded me that even Hoxha could not destroy religion any more than he had destroyed one of the strongest attributes of Albanian culture-besa, or the promised word.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“When Enver Hoxha came to power, besa was besa,” Father Jubani recalled. “But Hoxha tried to replace it with corruption, lies, and ignorance.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Ah, besa.</b> I recalled an old saying: “The Albanian will sooner kill his son than break his vow.” As a child I had heard the phrase spoken with a solemnity beyond all others, and I had been taught to honor my word, no matter what. It is still burned in my brain and lives in my soul. Until World War II, Albania had been an essentially tribal, feudal society, glued together by the traditions of family and loyalty - and always besa.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In old Albania besa was not merely a moral code, which, in other societies, forms the foun- dation of virtue and ethics. Besa was a law that served for centuries as a regulator of daily life. It governed business transacted by individuals, by villages and clans, or even by districts. To break one’s besa was not only the greatest disgrace but also subject to the most severe punishment-execution by one’s peers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An Albanian friend of mine named Chim Beqari, who helped me drive through the mountains and acted as interpreter, would often point out the ruins of homes of those who broke their besa, where foundation stones were scattered as required by the unwritten law. Albanians no longer punish one another that way, but it gradually dawned on me that many people were still reluctant to promise me anything, no matter how small, such as fixing a light in my hotel room, perhaps for fear of making a vow that could not be honored.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Driving from the rugged mountains toward the Adriatic coast, Chim and I finally came into Shijak, the village where I hoped to find Jack Kosmaçi. He might be my only living link to Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Carrying a bottle of French brandy and a box of good tea I had bought as gifts in a hardcurrency shop in Tirana, I crossed the village square to begin inquiries. One of the men there knew the family. “Ah, Kosmaçi the brick- layer,” said the man, helpfully pointing across the square to his building.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I stumbled up the concrete stairs, each step a different height, and found Jack Kosmaçi’s place. I studied him carefully for signs of the familiar. Had I seen those eyebrows, that slashing nose, in my family? He had a certain dignity, like the figures in old photographs on the walls of his apartment.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Lexamined a family portrait with 15 people. At the center was a military officer with a braid and decorations standing by an old man wearing baggy Turkish-style pantaloons and a vest with a big gold chain; two well-groomed young men stood by him in dinner jackets. The women were dressed in what must have been the latest Paris fashions.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">While Chim explained my presence, Jack’s eyes drifted from the interpreter to me, back again, then fixed on me. We knew. He nodded and smiled and shook hands again, this time harder. We rapidly established relationships. Jack’s paternal grandmother was a Gjurchu, sister of my maternal grandfather. Jack was my cousin.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We talked all morning. Jack’s tale gave a wholly new dimension to the horrors of Hoxha’s era. I had driven past one of Albania’s notorious prisons, a place called Burrel, but now it became a real place, as did another named Spaç. Members of our family had served time in both.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jack recalled the day they took his father, Anton Kosmaçi. It was 1944, and the world was still at war, but the Germans had abandoned Albania. Tirana, where the Kosmaçis were living, was already in the hands of Enver Hoxha and the communists. Jack was 15.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The soldiers knocked on the door and asked for Anton. He embraced Jack’s mother. He embraced Jack. There was no time for tears.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Poor Mama,” Jack recalled. “She knew. She asked me to follow Father, but to keep my distance.” The walk to police headquarters took 15 minutes, no more, and every detail remains sharp in Jack’s memory: The sound of the men’s footsteps crunching on gravel, his father walking tall in a black overcoat with a thin fur collar, the boulevard lined with leafless old oaks and willows, the Lunës flowing cold through town, his father turning to wave before he disappeared into the walled compound.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgd_E9RUoKIWOGDPJvRck69UfMk1M0gft6SPkocZxqyykqJGSMCDA6Gfe9TPcAnIRruI7IjnnQO2OE7rlORNOmmrPuadyCZhY3Z3gchnZmO72WDB41KoCKn0eV8_9BI_1cT0GViPZqJNCNAJg4PXnbm7GfISac2os0waD0YUkgi9QhKYVY1EHXVfOWZkJs/s1998/22.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1466" data-original-width="1998" height="294" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgd_E9RUoKIWOGDPJvRck69UfMk1M0gft6SPkocZxqyykqJGSMCDA6Gfe9TPcAnIRruI7IjnnQO2OE7rlORNOmmrPuadyCZhY3Z3gchnZmO72WDB41KoCKn0eV8_9BI_1cT0GViPZqJNCNAJg4PXnbm7GfISac2os0waD0YUkgi9QhKYVY1EHXVfOWZkJs/w400-h294/22.jpg" width="400" /></a></span></div><p></p><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Work or strike? Bulletins in the window of a Tirana office marked the birth of democracy, as general strikes in the spring of 1991 closed factories and mines. With all the equipment break- downs and strikes, lamented then President Alia, "Nobody works any more."</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Anton was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment as an “enemy of the people,” ten years for each month he had served as minister of justice in one of the successive governments during the Italian occupation. Broken by the years in prison, he was released in March 1964 under a general amnesty. All the neighbors knew him as an enemy of the people, and they treated him like a leper. He died just a few months later.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“How is it possible your mother doesn’t know a thing about it? Didn’t anyone ever tell her?” Jack asked me. He poured another tumbler of raki liquor for each of us and scrutinized me, as if my knowledge of his father’s suffering might have eased the pain of all the lost years. What could I say to this sweet man with white hair? I never knew of his existence until that chance inquiry in Shkodër.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He understood. He gave me a smile and continued. “It wasn’t enough that Hoxha put my father in prison. The family had to be hounded into shame.” Jack’s mother was sent to a labor camp in Tepelenë, his grandmother to a prison hospital outside Tirana. Jack’s education stopped. The regime made him a bricklayer. The family’s final exile was to the village of Shijak, where I found them.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jack’s two boys-Alexander and Blendialso suffered as the grandchildren of an enemy of the people. They were denied school beyond the eighth grade. Both became mechanics.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“I grieved, but that was how it had to be,” Jack said. “We were all living in a big prison.” He paused for a minute or so.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivWaREk_WCoWiXsgYzMeVUfOu0G5myeVbZcNtNawjRy6QqiV1RS6XWd2c-9oU9VcCFNJHfQ3jmYdYkcRMj3GLTt6QJqM34Ldp3MyJ8V7uIjB7sRRKWkwFxbyKGUBd2RwcASBAwD7EHUbdhgpF_oOkh-0Lr3pSbbxgNpvgj58DIpLjJeVt2DDAJYc_wNeM/s3504/19.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2516" data-original-width="3504" height="288" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivWaREk_WCoWiXsgYzMeVUfOu0G5myeVbZcNtNawjRy6QqiV1RS6XWd2c-9oU9VcCFNJHfQ3jmYdYkcRMj3GLTt6QJqM34Ldp3MyJ8V7uIjB7sRRKWkwFxbyKGUBd2RwcASBAwD7EHUbdhgpF_oOkh-0Lr3pSbbxgNpvgj58DIpLjJeVt2DDAJYc_wNeM/w400-h288/19.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Kavaja Street, 5 a.m. Dafina Prifti is first in line at the milk-distribution store in her Tirana neighborhood. The supply varies. Sometimes milk is rationed, and other times there is none. Sometimes there is only powdered milk (if it hasn’t been stolen from foreign-aid shipments). The line may form as early as midnight for the sunrise opening. Last summer, when co-op farmers were granted a small stake of land, many took to working only for themselves. Co-op yields dried up, and so did food on city shelves, spawning rationing and sporadic food riots.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">I saw a crack in his control as he struggled to continue. “Jackie, Jackie,” said his wife, Anna, who had been sitting quietly. When he resumed, his voice changed timbre, the anger swelling.</p><div style="text-align: justify;">On June 1, 1990, Albania’s Children’s Day, Alexander’s two girls, age eight and nine, were to take part in a play for parents. Jack recalled: “They rehearsed diligently.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The day before the show, a member of the Shijak party committee came to school and told the director that Alexander’s girls had to be removed from the play.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Enemies of the people. Jack paused for a long time. “To punish five generations! Five generations! What was the crime deserving of such punishment? There was not one specific charge leveled against my father, not one!</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“I have to tell you the real tragedy,” he said, now almost in a whisper, as if he were letting me in on the very secret of life. “On the day my grandchildren were punished, my two boys vowed they would flee this land. Escape at any cost. How long are we to suffer? Even my grandchildren are not to be absolved?”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Both Alexander, 35, and Blendi, 21, made good their vows. They fled Albania in March 1991. “I’m not worried about Blendi,” Jack told me. “He’s young. He’s in Italy. Albania has good relations with Italy. We can talk on the phone at my post office.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“But Alexander…” He sighed deeply. “I worry about him every day. He has a wife and two children still here. He is in a Yugoslav jail where they keep refugees. He wants to go to America or Canada or Australia. But nobody accepts Albanians these days.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I presented my gifts of brandy and tea to Jack and Anna and promised that I would try to help Alexander. My besa. Their eyes watered, and I realized that I had just given them the one thing they had secretly hoped for. I threw an arm around Jack as we strode out</div><div style="text-align: justify;">into the bright daylight, like two cousins, followed by Anna, by Alexander’s wife, Rita, and her daughters. “Promise me you’ll return,” Jack said. I promised.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Throughout rural albania, </b>I found people resigned to their lot in life, but from time to time they took small pleasures unknown under Hoxha. “We are trying to enjoy ourselves and not think about tomorrow,” said Namzo Guzin, a young farmer I met in the village of Borçë near the Adriatic Sea. Some of Namzo’s friends were getting married, and the whole community had turned out for an evening of fun.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Tonight, we hope,” said Namzo, 35. “This is the first wedding I’ve attended. And this is the first glass I’ve raised to toast someone other than Enver and the party.” Namzo and his sister joined the others who were furiously performing the Napoleoni, a wedding dance named for the gold coins that guests used to throw to young couples in the precommunist era. No gold was to be seen here.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The toastmaster proposed yet another drink, which resulted in a genuine uproar. “It was a toast for our people abroad,” Namzo explained to me. “Almost everybody here has someone in Italy. The bridegroom’s brother fled in March, my sister’s husband in April.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Living in Albania will be increasingly difficult. As the last months of 1991 set in, people were desperate. Hoxha’s legacy was broken, but so was discipline. Nobody was working. Indeed I met several mechanics from the former Enver Hoxha Textile Plant in Tirana who had not gone to work since March. Yet they still received 80 percent of their pay. The same arrangement applied to employees of the country’s sole glass factory, which had stopped production in 1990 because it could no longer get raw materials. One thing led to another. With a shortage of windowpanes to keep out the cold, schools, factories, and offices had been forced to shut down. And for the offices and schools still open, there was often no heat, as coal production ran short.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Food riots erupted in several communities. In Fushë-Arrëz, a timber town in the mountains, hungry protesters marched on the local food depot after rumors of an impending bread shortage. Twenty police were no match for a crowd of 2,000, which set the building on fire. More than 30 people died in the confrontation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albanian friends agreed that the food crisis was worse since the communists lost power. “Before, food distribution was kept going through fear,” explained one man who had been a senior government official. Now, people in the countryside were hoarding food, which meant that city dwellers in Tirana had to line up in the middle of the night for scarce supplies of milk the next morning.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Even when you line up this early, you are not guaranteed of getting any milk,” an old woman told me. She needed it for her grandchildren.</div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOvh7yLoWQnnEviA9R8bUPqMGx81hmWXcJkq3YoG6ewvirO0sunSij4OePT7bivfsY1OVrqrvIfc5b9cGAvCa5yCdJimMXxs_9WAGVzQKxgM_Xpxs8omVtTueqD4Sng_5WcfatdpyFtbx7bkmq3nwyL-fOZUP4-2TRAjw-cMb-MhdlxxEioKL1LzOBZ60/s1991/26.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1364" data-original-width="1991" height="274" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOvh7yLoWQnnEviA9R8bUPqMGx81hmWXcJkq3YoG6ewvirO0sunSij4OePT7bivfsY1OVrqrvIfc5b9cGAvCa5yCdJimMXxs_9WAGVzQKxgM_Xpxs8omVtTueqD4Sng_5WcfatdpyFtbx7bkmq3nwyL-fOZUP4-2TRAjw-cMb-MhdlxxEioKL1LzOBZ60/w400-h274/26.jpg" width="400" /></a></span></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The corn harvest will help see a farm family in the North Albanian Alps through the winter; their life is a backbreaking regimen shared by two-thirds of the population. Tradition dictates that bride Flutura Kadria, in a mountain village near Kukës, look distraught at leaving her family. Anything less would be an insult as they prepare to give her away in marriage.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> <a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDb7UBFWH_ldCmH9n4Of94DjIJMUWxl9NaS7RF_5R9fQ2fqARiY27fopQacMXYmSkjHUZI9Bjbyu_xRVnZETSiU-nJ4FKXc415Y24D-JD2-tYuvja4U-isZnu1aXAzl-MLoI_TY_9v0AT717Dnj4HoV6zyVcqxbZlnFjmp6sodbWuIgZX4rkTla2cWdss/s1620/26%20-%20Copia.jpg" style="font-size: 12pt; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1168" data-original-width="1620" height="289" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDb7UBFWH_ldCmH9n4Of94DjIJMUWxl9NaS7RF_5R9fQ2fqARiY27fopQacMXYmSkjHUZI9Bjbyu_xRVnZETSiU-nJ4FKXc415Y24D-JD2-tYuvja4U-isZnu1aXAzl-MLoI_TY_9v0AT717Dnj4HoV6zyVcqxbZlnFjmp6sodbWuIgZX4rkTla2cWdss/w400-h289/26%20-%20Copia.jpg" width="400" /></a><br /><br /></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5JIyFEVsYHPGKatAenC7ylO5lAZ4DWAYlkDTZ0erLKhTA5lC2az7mG20qvMkK5eSqDTw6L6KyJVFOPIQ7vaDforvPSjUPukhUuW6kn_rLLmaZHX7WNMKi3FKxWUOju1AmrckcPbkTR7K0jot6XV0lJ5SpvNauGzCIE4mZ_VgaakfuhK57pLUpNebjVUA/s1803/27.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1803" data-original-width="965" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5JIyFEVsYHPGKatAenC7ylO5lAZ4DWAYlkDTZ0erLKhTA5lC2az7mG20qvMkK5eSqDTw6L6KyJVFOPIQ7vaDforvPSjUPukhUuW6kn_rLLmaZHX7WNMKi3FKxWUOju1AmrckcPbkTR7K0jot6XV0lJ5SpvNauGzCIE4mZ_VgaakfuhK57pLUpNebjVUA/w214-h400/27.jpg" width="214" /></a></div></b><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Much of the countryside has been denuded for fuel, but in Fier some trees have escaped the woodcutter’s ax, and now and then a man can still bring home a fat goose from the market. Such simple pleasures are all that most Albanians can yet hope for.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhcl1b9Wo_AB3nnxODS-1-3PsezPJ0PI6C_oVx-XQczlVdadB1NZvDPeOq4xRjJXeNUKW36BWbs9iJ1FV8CVjtvTB0Rx-Krh3zbd0eM3lhEsG9SxxDrkaG0p-ow4FrcZ5kud5NXGpumKQs-RneRBaIvpB4LIyRl6zGNwaZ1a-u44u57WnqxTatVnlzNWIY/s1816/28.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1816" data-original-width="1795" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhcl1b9Wo_AB3nnxODS-1-3PsezPJ0PI6C_oVx-XQczlVdadB1NZvDPeOq4xRjJXeNUKW36BWbs9iJ1FV8CVjtvTB0Rx-Krh3zbd0eM3lhEsG9SxxDrkaG0p-ow4FrcZ5kud5NXGpumKQs-RneRBaIvpB4LIyRl6zGNwaZ1a-u44u57WnqxTatVnlzNWIY/w395-h400/28.jpg" width="395" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Travelers were advised to take food with them on trips around the country. A Greek diplomat driving from Athens to Tirana was stopped, robbed of everything, and allowed to proceed with only his shirt and undershorts.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These traumas merely intensified the political struggle in Tirana. Albania entered 1992 spinning out of control. The Democratic opposition forces demanded new elections in the spring and won 62 percent of the vote, giving them control of the new 140-seat parliament.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ramiz Alia, the last holdover of the communist regime, resigned in April. He was replaced by Sali Berisha, a founder of the Democratic Party and a charismatic leader.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Most albanians know</b> what they want a civilized society, a market economy, parliamentary rule, and respect for human rights.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The country is entering a painful transition that could last for several years. The challenges are clear Albania has to overcome a defeatist psychology ingrained by years of repression, to pry loose the grip of the established bureaucracy in the countryside, to persuade young people (60 percent of the population is under the age of 25) to stay, to maintain religious tolerance, and above all to resuscitate a moribund economy.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There are a few signs of hope. Foreign investors are beginning to visit, seeing possibilities in Albania’s scenic beaches, snowcloaked mountains, and deposits of oil, chromium, and copper.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There are plans to develop the beautiful beaches along the Ionian Sea. But the coastal roads are scarce and in dreadful repair. Hoxha did not want this part of Albania populated, lest people would take it into their heads to swim to Corfu, visible in the distance. As I walked along one of the beaches, no other soul was in sight, but there were concrete bunkers and barbed-wire fences all around, Hoxha’s ubiquitous signature. It would take massive investment to bring tourism to life here, but it could be done.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Driving back toward the capital from the coastal town of Sarandë, I passed through a magnificent landscape dotted with olive trees and lemon groves. At Vuno, a tiny mountain village near the coast, I stopped to chat with a couple sitting on a terrace.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Could they visualize this place as a playground for rich tourists?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Nothing is possible here,” the woman told me, laughing.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“But things are changing,” I said.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">She laughed again and looked at me as if to say: “You do not understand.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Her husband shot me an interrogatory look. “What has changed?” he asked. “Our two sons are in Italy. Let them look for their fortunes, and let them come back in joy. That’s our way.” They felt, in other words, that it was still impossible for Albanians to succeed in Albania. For them, good fortune was an import commodity, as it was for my cousin Jack Kosmaçi.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Driving back to my home in Belgrade, I recalled my promise to Jack. Alexander was still held in a Yugoslav jail, where he and other Albanian refugees waited for a review of their status by the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. When I phoned the U.S. Embassy, a consular official told me Alexander couldn’t get asylum in America. “Why don’t you try Australia? Or Canada?”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Canada agreed to take him, so I had the great pleasure of seeing Alexander released. I took him for a celebratory dinner.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Would he ever return to Albania?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Never!” Alexander said. “I made a vow. The communists are still in power. Look at the leaders of the opposition-almost all of them former party members.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">That was true, I agreed. Everybody who wanted to succeed in Albania had belonged to the party, at least formally. But communism was dead now, the secret police gone. So was the old Albania. The new Albania could behad to be-different. The people would exorcise Hoxha’s ghost and begin something new, I insisted. Alexander quietly stood his ground. Let him go, I thought, he has suffered enough.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He’s off for a new life in Canada, where he will be joined by his wife and kids. When I told Cousin Jack about it, he seemed delighted by the good news but unsurprised.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Of course: I had given Jack my besa.</div><b><div style="text-align: right;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: right;"><b><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/07/albania-apre-la-porta-1992.html" target="_blank">Leggi l'articolo in italiano</a></b></div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/07/shqiperia-hap-deren-1992.html" target="_blank">Lexo artikullin në shqip</a></b><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
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<h3 style="text-align: left;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/07_Luglio/01_Testo/01_Albania_open_the%20_door.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <b>National
Geographic, July 1992.</b></h3><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><o:p></o:p></p>
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</div></div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-56076869193876958682023-06-24T15:00:00.004-07:002023-10-29T03:11:55.981-07:00Albania, Alone Against the World (1980)<p> </p><h1 style="text-align: center;">Albania, Alone Against the World<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/06_Giugno/01_testo_e_PDF/02_Albania,%20Alone%20Against%20the%20World.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a></h1><h4 style="text-align: center;">Article and photographs by Mehmet Biber</h4><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/06/shqiperia-e-vetme-kunder-botes-1980.html " target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip </b></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"> <a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/06/albania-soli-contro-il-mondo-1980.html" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">"Let us fulfill all our obligations and smash the blockade,” admonishes this sign in the Albanian town of Shkodër-but Albania’s isolation from the world is the result of internal policy. Without allies and surrounded by nations that have historical ambitions to its land, Albania is organized to go it alone under the stern dictates of Enver Hoxha, who has held power for 36 years. The pickax and rifle symbols dominate public scenes. A dogmatic Marxist-Leninist, Hoxha broke with the Soviet Union, which he considers “revisionist,” in 1961, and severed his ties with the People’s Republic of China two years ago. The self-sufficient road is often a hard one. Private automobiles are banned, so Albanians travel by bicycle.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Visits by journalists are rare. Last year Mehmet Biber, a Turkish photographer then living in Istanbul, obtained a visa only months after journalist Sami Kohen, another Istanbul resident, had paid a visit. From conversations with Mr. Kohen and his own experiences, Mr. Biber brought back this first full report from Albania to appear in an American journal in many years.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTl3Hs9qnVIoUmxnzJshhAC3EfA732VP_N8EkxTLgKI65lN4v-1KTK3TaEl8D9TGwjcndMa-hHchJP2s-212LwUp2-T_B-wXyQKpE7vBBDlZr2QrizBf4NvpD2gxJlkfEvpqFHSlR2BZ_Wk75jOWZGqEoJMCuNciWFJiTH-gditbHucldC6XDJEHtL2WE/s1280/01.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1280" data-original-width="1209" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTl3Hs9qnVIoUmxnzJshhAC3EfA732VP_N8EkxTLgKI65lN4v-1KTK3TaEl8D9TGwjcndMa-hHchJP2s-212LwUp2-T_B-wXyQKpE7vBBDlZr2QrizBf4NvpD2gxJlkfEvpqFHSlR2BZ_Wk75jOWZGqEoJMCuNciWFJiTH-gditbHucldC6XDJEHtL2WE/w302-h320/01.jpg" width="302" /></a></div><br /><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">HE JET AIRPLANE flew south from Yugoslavia out over the cobalt Adriatic, turned 90 degrees, and headed land- ward toward Albania.</p><div style="text-align: justify;">In antiquity, Rome’s legions, coming down the Appian Way to Brindisi on the heel of Italy and crossing the Strait of Otranto, landed here and marched east on the great military highway to Thessalonica and Constantinople. Goths and Normans invaded. The Byzantine, Bulgarian, Serbian, and Venetian empires held sway. Next the Ottoman Turks ruled for nearly five cen- turies and made Albania the only predominantly Muslim country in Europe. Then came the armies of Mussolini and Hitler.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today no international highway crosses Albania. Her 300 kilometers (185 miles) of railroad pass no frontier. No foreign plane is permitted to fly across her airspace. Com- mercial flights, such as our half-empty, biweekly flight from Belgrade, must come from seaward and in daylight hours only.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I looked around the cabin at the score of fellow passengers - an elderly woman, a diplomat, an Austrian professor of the Albanian language (only distantly related to other European tongues), and businessmen coming to buy minerals or to sell machinery. Where did I fit the prescription for visitors set by Albania’s dictator, Communist Party chief Enver Hoxha? He had declared his country “closed to enemies, spies, hippies. and hooligans, but open to friends (Marxist or non-Marxist), to revolutionaries and progressive democrats, to honest tourists who do not interfere in our affairs.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">More apt was a travel agent’s comment: “Only madmen, diplomats, and journalists go to Albania.” I was a Turkish journalist and had waited nearly a year to get my visa request approved.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We came in over the beach and coastal plain near Durrës and saw, beyond terraced hillsides, a jagged line of misty peaks riding across the horizon like a gigantic electrocar- diogram. I wondered what I would find in this tiny nation of 2.7 million people, the size of Maryland with fewer people, and as little known as Tibet.<i style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEit1iSTPoYVWXlywkwII-jDbqN7rygay9-0cP0tVAUD2cHnKj9ABYuij_1Kcyk9L2nBMVcDX7TWCamCEH-7Ogcl2-7tcA5iIR2vYyUMzplyqY2naCXzbK0TH_XEi94g_a1seNLQx9HmUGBD41iYaPGXhgK32zPV4ppUG23I9wYWVfUwmeS4ob8MXrRWvyY/s1598/02.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="754" data-original-width="1598" height="189" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEit1iSTPoYVWXlywkwII-jDbqN7rygay9-0cP0tVAUD2cHnKj9ABYuij_1Kcyk9L2nBMVcDX7TWCamCEH-7Ogcl2-7tcA5iIR2vYyUMzplyqY2naCXzbK0TH_XEi94g_a1seNLQx9HmUGBD41iYaPGXhgK32zPV4ppUG23I9wYWVfUwmeS4ob8MXrRWvyY/w400-h189/02.jpg" width="400" /></a></i></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Love, Albanian style, means piling into a truck and heading downtown for a brief civil-marriage ceremony. In 1967, when Hoxha proclaimed that the nation’s only religion should be “Albanianism,” more than 2,000 Islamic, Greek Orthodox, and Roman Catholic institutions were closed.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqByFwMcAKrd3yQ7OCArKt4bQ0ip9tS5Pzo9GXwwki_wcfZo9h3b1oxX6pFleXZLkKsuC__50mODhI0jHHu4er3HghIp_UM51zKzarZa3HFwEdsqJal7KnfXT_4wuw5OZQi6ObTNPCSiY4erwnhakcu1hmThPh1nrYoF7Jm8ZXwx8gd0BwU5lQDO3GATU/s1600/03.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1200" data-original-width="1600" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqByFwMcAKrd3yQ7OCArKt4bQ0ip9tS5Pzo9GXwwki_wcfZo9h3b1oxX6pFleXZLkKsuC__50mODhI0jHHu4er3HghIp_UM51zKzarZa3HFwEdsqJal7KnfXT_4wuw5OZQi6ObTNPCSiY4erwnhakcu1hmThPh1nrYoF7Jm8ZXwx8gd0BwU5lQDO3GATU/w400-h300/03.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: bold;">“Organize,” exhorts a placard as Albania’s soccer team plays Scotland in Tirana, the capital (following pages), in 1979 during the first European Cup game held in Alba- nia. A request by Scottish journalists to accompany their team was denied as an “arrogant and arbitrary ultimatum.”</span></div></span><br /> <p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">For millennia descendants of ancient tribes, traditionally known as Illyrians, have hung on in this most rugged land in the Balkans “mountains” in Turkish. Amid peaks rising to 2,764 meters (9,068 feet), they followed an implacable clan code of honor that wiped out entire families through blood feuds lasting generations.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today this Land of the Eagle is totally collectivized. Last stronghold of Stalinism, it is Europe’s most dogmatic Communist country, locked in the grip of a leader who has impelled the Continent’s most back ward nation out of the ashes of World War II in a drive to modernization, from stick plow to tractor, from handicraft and rushlight to factory and dynamo.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Here I would find an unusual social experiment: an entire generation growing up sealed off in a hard-line socialist laboratory, challenging the world, self-isolated, uncontaminated by East or West.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Unconsciously I stroked my goatee-and was startled by the sudden realization that I might lose it! Albania forbids entry to men with long hair or full beards, and to women in short skirts, flared trousers, and other dis- plays of bourgeois decadence. Tales abound of hapless visitors being packed off to the airport barber to be shorn.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But the soldier who met me at the airplane door was more intent on my passport than my goatee, and I descended in the noon sun of a September day into one of Europe’s smallest and sleepiest airports, shaded by palms and orange trees heavy with fruit.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiWYzwNTDAOyW1uW_TlnG3Wf2nI1vq_YX9h127aXa-Kcuk7I52CKH_aFad9va9QUOuTY3rJsBYcOrEX5C1i8DxkrPWnHfeW2JUeZVe0mOxu3bq5PHjBixc-MAiHkEY9WjYy2mkhOqQPTvf8LPd9H23yaSFmAF0VlllYOPaXxiELT69QRBDsnNmDea_ITqA/s1903/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1405" data-original-width="1903" height="295" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiWYzwNTDAOyW1uW_TlnG3Wf2nI1vq_YX9h127aXa-Kcuk7I52CKH_aFad9va9QUOuTY3rJsBYcOrEX5C1i8DxkrPWnHfeW2JUeZVe0mOxu3bq5PHjBixc-MAiHkEY9WjYy2mkhOqQPTvf8LPd9H23yaSFmAF0VlllYOPaXxiELT69QRBDsnNmDea_ITqA/w400-h295/05.jpg" width="400" /></a></i></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">NATIONAL MUSEUM OF TIRANA</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGwAuWD1vbJVALkskXJX-2zks7a3nTJpjls2IzPC82PSK1CmxArmtlLsAPC3kkkZs1i4LJ6o5buBFFdB1B_ut-j1fuUKnaAEMWMlbzBe1U8Fl5I6nbCw5aD5mRaxBjO4ZOaA70uD9Js2WZ0huN-uJzIsJOVCdwexsR6FnH8YS_cc7Wfm0LtNhFJzXZU_g/s2957/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2957" data-original-width="1950" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGwAuWD1vbJVALkskXJX-2zks7a3nTJpjls2IzPC82PSK1CmxArmtlLsAPC3kkkZs1i4LJ6o5buBFFdB1B_ut-j1fuUKnaAEMWMlbzBe1U8Fl5I6nbCw5aD5mRaxBjO4ZOaA70uD9Js2WZ0huN-uJzIsJOVCdwexsR6FnH8YS_cc7Wfm0LtNhFJzXZU_g/w264-h400/04.jpg" width="264" /></a></i></div><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><br /></i><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">They owe it all to Enver Hoxha. In his hometown of Gjirokastër, a banner (left, top) lauds the first secretary of the Party of Labor, who helped lead his countrymen to victory in World War II-Albania was the only Axis-occupied nation to win freedom without the aid of foreign troops. Hoxha allied with Stalin but reviled Khrushchev, depicted cringing at far left in a painting (above) glorifying a strident Hoxha at a confrontation in Moscow.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></p>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoGYNaNPJ8iqdq_TfH67FUJyUkJc4pnAMYTPmS9Af9SwP247kbQigbLg0zT0jiW-NjCAgAPX7zAYuWCxSReOufgbGr_-FiOyq4JZ_UjfO7q-SFUwOvy7m12Y1ye5s8ZGEo6Iu7BhL4_9HO91lwMyjgrzH7UuSZVD72HKeD5ciY5ZNTiu85Bhm7iD-t4AM/s1277/07.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="852" data-original-width="1277" height="268" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjoGYNaNPJ8iqdq_TfH67FUJyUkJc4pnAMYTPmS9Af9SwP247kbQigbLg0zT0jiW-NjCAgAPX7zAYuWCxSReOufgbGr_-FiOyq4JZ_UjfO7q-SFUwOvy7m12Y1ye5s8ZGEo6Iu7BhL4_9HO91lwMyjgrzH7UuSZVD72HKeD5ciY5ZNTiu85Bhm7iD-t4AM/w400-h268/07.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">In a land of mountains, blood feuds still smolder among tightly knit clans. Here the winding River Vijosë flows beneath a footbridge near Tepelenë.</span></b></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Kopi Kycyku greeted me in Turkish. A member of the Foreign Ministry’s hospitality committee, he would bring to my guide-interpreter each morning the day’s plan. Now he brought me espresso, expedited formalities, and ushered me into a Polish-made Fiat for the half hour’s ride to Tirana, the capital. Along the way brigades of peasants looked up from their labor in the fields. But we met little traffic on the road.</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><br /></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;">Traffic Cop Without Traffic</h3><div style="text-align: justify;">Life in Tirana centers around Skanderbeg Square, with its monument to the 15th- century hero who fought against the Ottoman Empire. The modern Palace of Culture faces it, as do several royal buildings of King Zog, who ruled in the late 1920s and 1930s. One of those now houses offices of the satirical magazine Hosteni; another, the old Parliament building, is a children’s theater.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For a kilometer from Skanderbeg Square to University Square stretches the Boulevard of Fallen Heroes, flanked by huge statues of Lenin and Stalin, the Communist Party headquarters, major ministries, and the soccer stadium. In the early afternoon the square looked deserted: an official car, a military vehicle, a bus, several bicycles, a scattering of old women sweeping the street. Yet in the center of the square stood a policeman solemnly directing traffic.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania allows no private cars, and its capital has only a score of cabs, all state owned. Most were lined up near the square. Albanians seldom use them.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We pulled up in front of the Hotel Dajti, built by the Italians in the early 1940s when the avenue was called Viale Savoia. It is one of Tirana’s two hotels for foreigners, and locals may not lodge in it.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">My balconied room was decorated with a beautiful kilim rug. Downstairs in the gift shop, such a carpet sold for $20 a square meter in foreign currency.<span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheeljGzpM29UIkSf1B22u0D2p-WQvtOq13HAqTtpUPvBs0vvOvGF2bj2C-wUTqb6DIcSKMBB8GAF9Dk_nzy7Pj_Vdkmc9EDPFECsZ2zbHzTs6X5NDbmI-QbC3DU-XHhPxXHGVCRTRYOyu-3yRZOKYSrDwsoGZPRTIHX1o-Ep1sxN9SdzjHL-7zK_jMviQ/s555/08.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="555" data-original-width="538" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheeljGzpM29UIkSf1B22u0D2p-WQvtOq13HAqTtpUPvBs0vvOvGF2bj2C-wUTqb6DIcSKMBB8GAF9Dk_nzy7Pj_Vdkmc9EDPFECsZ2zbHzTs6X5NDbmI-QbC3DU-XHhPxXHGVCRTRYOyu-3yRZOKYSrDwsoGZPRTIHX1o-Ep1sxN9SdzjHL-7zK_jMviQ/w388-h400/08.jpg" width="388" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Touch of class: A Tirana student learns ballet in a special fine-arts program. Before “liberation,” four out of five Alba-nians were illiterate. Today, the same proportion can read and write.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">I checked the TV room-only local programs could be received. I studied press releases spread on a table in the big hall and paused before a display of journals: the magazine New Albania; Zëri i Popullit (Voice of the People), the party newspaper; and a sampling of Albania’s dailies, all similar in content. Paperback editions of Enver Hoxha’s books were available in several languages-but not one foreign newspaper, magazine, or book. It was as if the outside world did not exist.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Emerging from the hotel at dusk, I returned to Skanderbeg Square. What a change! It seemed that half of Tirana’s 200,000 people had gathered here after work. Some strolled the parklike walks along Stalin Boulevard, others conversed in small groups or clustered around kiosks to buy Albanian cigarettes, soft drinks, and papers. Young men and women flirted. Parents streamed to the Palace of Culture for a concert, play, or exhibition, while students crowded its national library. And amid the square’s chaos of buses, bicycles, and pedes trians, the policeman shrilly shepherded traffic with his whistle.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For about two hours the heart of Tirana throbbed with life, then fell silent again. Even the traffic officer had gone home.</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><br /></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;">Nation Spurns “Revisionist” Giants</h3><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div style="text-align: justify;">The following morning Bashkim Babani, my guide-interpreter, a thin man in his mid 30s, took me through the Palace of Culture. Albanians are proud of this building, started by the Russians and left unfinished when they pulled out of Albania in 1961 as a result of an ideological split. Said my guide: “The “Do you get extra pay for overtime?” The Soviet revisionists and imperialists cut all aid to us and imposed an economic blockade, thinking we would soon perish. But we mobilized our forces and completed this building. It stands today as a symbol of our triumph.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Breaking with “Khrushchev’s group of renegades,” Hoxha turned to the Soviet Union’s bitter foe, China’s Mao Zedong. Albania became China’s closest friend, her champion in the United Nations, and received between one and two billion dollars of economic and military aid. That lasted until 1978, when China’s growing rapprochement with the “imperialist” United States and “revisionist” Yugoslavia broke the “eternal friendship.” Claiming to perceive behind the “hypocritical smiles” of Mao’s successors “the perfidy...of one who stabs you in the night and mourns you by day,” Albania now remained the only citadel of “true Marxism-Leninism.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Where would Albania turn this time?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">From Tirana to the smallest village, in the streets, on buildings, in factories, schools, and farms, slogans proclaim the answer.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A banner in Skanderbeg Square reads: “Without any foreign aid and any credit from abroad, we rely entirely on our own forces.” On the old city hall: “We shall break the blockade and encirclement of imperialism and revisionism.” Atop the Prime Minister’s office: “Long live our people’s power.” A foreign-language class studies Hoxha’s slogan on the blackboard in English: “Let us build socialism with a pick in one hand and a rifle in the other.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hurling defiance to the world-seeing themselves opposed by giant China and menaced by the U.S.S.R. and its Easternbloc satellites; fearful and suspicious of neighboring Yugoslavia and Greece and the West-lilliputian Albania will go it alone.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">How can she do it?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By mobilizing production. Plants often work three shifts to use machinery 24 hours a day. I saw tractors work fields by headlight, then go by truck at night to another farm complex for the morning plowing. As part of this “technical revolution,” some engineers, technicians, and workers add several hours to their daily eight, lengthening their 48-hour, six-day workweek.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Do you get extra pay for overtime?” The question was put to a worker in a Tirana factory making spare truck and tractor parts.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“No, we don’t ask for it. We volunteer. because we believe this work is the way to break the blockade. This revolutionary spirit will lead us to victory.” Mark Toma retired at 60 three years ago. But now he is back at the same factory.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“We are united in this goal, to contribute to making our economy self-dependent. I am still strong. I cannot sit idle while the whole nation struggles.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Did he receive pay?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“I’m already getting my pension.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Civil servants, students, even party officials and diplomats put in at least one month’s labor a year in factory or on farm. Workers’ brigades compete in topping production quotas. This brings rewards in medals, citations, and extra days of vacation at a resort. Bulletin boards are full of “grumble sheets,” intended to improve morale and production through “self-criticism.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the Enver Hoxha factory in Tirana, my colleague Sami Kohen was proudly shown the first Albanian-made tractor. When the Chinese cut off aid, they left this factory, a hydroelectric dam, mines, and other major projects unfinished.<span><!--more--></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">“The Chinese technicians even took all the plans,” the manager said angrily. “Then they tried to sabotage the factory by refusing to deliver needed machinery. But we completed the plant and got the machines and parts from other countries. Not as foreign aid or on credit. We had enough of such help from the Russians and Chinese. If we need something, we buy it from any country-in cash. Or we trade for it. That way we maintain our independence.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In fact, the Albanian constitution of 1976 forbids credit deals, prohibiting bank loans from East or West.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><h3 style="text-align: center;">Living Well, Albanian Style</h3><p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Few other countries could have chosen this hard way to development. But Albania is ruled by an iron hand. And Albanians are used to privation. Hardship of earthquake and flood followed the horrors of war. When the Russians pulled out, severe drought raised the specter of starvation; many commodities were restricted.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today, though Albania is far from prosperous, she has no serious shortages and no rationing. People are plainly dressed, but none are in rags. Families live in small flats or cottages, poorly furnished by Western standards. But compared with yesterday's misery, Albanians don't doubt that they do better today. And they take pride in their will to survive on their own terms: “We prefer to feed on grass if need be. We will never stretch our hand to the imperialists.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“We experienced difficult days,” 71-yearold Kristo Teodori told Sami Kohen, on a visit to a cooperative at Finiq in southern Albania. “I spent my youth in misery, right on this plain. I worked hard for the landowner, yet could scarcely make a living. Today, thanks to Enver Hoxha, we live well.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The old man shares a three-room house with his son, Jorgo, 47, his daughter-in-law, and her sister. Over Turkish coffee and cognac, he said the cooperative today comprises 17 villages with 8,000 inhabitants and 3,400 hectares of land, producing wheat, corn, rice, cotton, vegetables, fruit, pigs, and cows. Before the “liberation” this was 80 percent swamp.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The land belongs to the state; houses, tools, and seeds all belong to the cooperative, and each farmer gets a share of the output. The sale of any surplus helps maintain a health center, schools, shops, a theater, and sport facilities. The family's three working members earn enough for essentials, so Kristo Teodori can spend part of his monthly pension of 420 leks ($85) on cigarettes and cognac. “I call it “Enver Hoxha's bonus.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hoxha's regime launched its agrarian reform in 1945, taking land from owners and distributing it to peasants. Collectivization was completed in the 1960s. The results: drained and flood-controlled river valleys, irrigated farms, and hillside terraces. Mountainous Albania's arable land, once a scant 10 percent, has been doubled, malaria wiped out, health and social services vastly improved. Four decades ago Albanians could expect to live 38 years. Today they can look forward to 68.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In its challenge to the world, Albania also can rely on its mineral and energy resources. After South Africa and the Soviet Union, Albania stands third in production of chrome. Limited in needs, it is self-sufficient in energy-oil, some coal, abundant hydroelectric power from its dammed rivers. I saw power lines marching to all parts of the country. Mountain hamlets have been electrified, and Albania even sells surplus electricity to neighboring Yugoslavia and Greece.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Industrial, mineral, and agricultural products fill the “Albania Today” exhibition in Tirana. “Everything here is the product of our labor and sacrifice,” said Hysen Vaqarri, the exhibition director. “We even produce enough food for export. Nor does the world energy crisis affect us. We manufacture everything from radios to kitchenware. We do all this with our own forces- without foreign support.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">So intent are they on self-reliance that Albanians eschewed aid from the International Red Cross when an earthquake devastated the Shkodër region in northern Albania in April 1979.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Throughout Albania I watched students, both male and female, building roads, putting up houses, tilling farmland, working in factories. Albania's railroad system is extending northward primarily through student labor.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">So said Gjergj Murra, Bashkim Çami, and Zelliha Kraga, history students at the State University in Tirana. Besides six class hours daily, they take one full day of military training a week.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“This physical labor lets us students get to know our country and people better, in- “And in your free time?” crease our practical knowledge, share our theoretical education, and lets us help build socialism.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“What do you do after class?” “Study the day's lessons.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“We stroll… go to the theater or movies listen to classical music.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Courses last eight months. Then, besides the month of physical labor for students, there is a month of military service, girls as well as boys. All’high-school graduates must serve a year in a factory or on a farm before they can get a job or enter university.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“And after graduation?” “A year's training before getting a job. A graduate in medicine serves in a hospital. An engineer in a factory. Philosophy or language majors usually teach.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">University administrators said that 80 percent of the population was illiterate in 1938; today 80 percent can read and write. The university began in 1957 with 3,600 stu- dents. Enrollment today is 16,000, in seven faculties: engineering, political science, geology, history, economics, medicine, and natural sciences.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But no school of law. Why not?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Our system has no need for lawyers,” came the answer. “Our citizens require no third person to defend them. The judges of the People's Courts, elected by the people, take their rights into consideration.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ominously, the Ministry of Justice disappeared in one of Enver Hoxha's many administrative reforms.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Marxism-Leninism is the core subject in all the faculties, leading to the student's “ideological formation.” Essential courses include the history of the Albanian Party of Labor, economic policies of capitalism and socialism, dialectical materialism, “revisionist” philosophy-and, of course, the works of Enver Hoxha. The five-year plan determines university admissions, with quotas by region and family occupation- one-third each for workers, farmers, and intellectuals. Those whose families were landlords or tradesmen under the previous system have a harder time.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju7VlrOAqQZUoK58zJ4PazagDiEPThz8u2WcXYULC5lj9eJq9ZTHAop0VDBzbGUdoYYyJPdFpBu6_lVoxZRy9p8oXyQPbdDmTqyoV9RUHVt13Bvoxh8DY-YM4wxLOR0tyJjfZtUngVhpaOS8u6FGL5Q9olOwtSLIfIT3Qig45nXN_A8FdIhweAF_L8Iaw/s1647/09.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1647" data-original-width="925" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju7VlrOAqQZUoK58zJ4PazagDiEPThz8u2WcXYULC5lj9eJq9ZTHAop0VDBzbGUdoYYyJPdFpBu6_lVoxZRy9p8oXyQPbdDmTqyoV9RUHVt13Bvoxh8DY-YM4wxLOR0tyJjfZtUngVhpaOS8u6FGL5Q9olOwtSLIfIT3Qig45nXN_A8FdIhweAF_L8Iaw/w225-h400/09.jpg" width="225" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Building feminism along with socialism, a Party of Labor tenet, has been hard in a tradition-steeped society. University women in Tirana practice for a Liberation Day parade (above). In Kavajë, workers inspect fine carpets (right), which are exported or sold in tourist hotels.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_HqNZ89x1z8mMzFTALSSNgfj6jrF9A5GVNkp7Lt441nLhS7XB7Struyixr21vkqRQ27JSFn21ilWvSG0JJNCX9lN_FDvsZ6xYCwn9NeT4HFHDN--DW3ERjUmYeBr9njzpsDqxT48SZm3fLiTeIGdB7Y1BCZdGbtw4IgIrO7c0_rx1wjqFx5VSNXN9BtM/s2971/10.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2971" data-original-width="2004" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_HqNZ89x1z8mMzFTALSSNgfj6jrF9A5GVNkp7Lt441nLhS7XB7Struyixr21vkqRQ27JSFn21ilWvSG0JJNCX9lN_FDvsZ6xYCwn9NeT4HFHDN--DW3ERjUmYeBr9njzpsDqxT48SZm3fLiTeIGdB7Y1BCZdGbtw4IgIrO7c0_rx1wjqFx5VSNXN9BtM/w270-h400/10.jpg" width="270" /></a></i></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">In Kavajë, female workers inspect valuable carpets, which are exported or sold in tourist hotels.</span></b></div></b><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTyacDHKkfo8cFqH5yj741Rth659bXJFt90cRmjsCR2VFoopC4kX_yFHEZsFI-9JjsrAiCI566vGn7xdxd8ZO6f2bMjhrYASWGN1Vuv536YDdrOMl3FvVPPSR54ZbyTWKO1-ilCuttveZbSEJUbicIkK5VoJsUFgczEUiVXtLpiqM467mxtXYvqltje80/s638/11.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="421" data-original-width="638" height="264" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiTyacDHKkfo8cFqH5yj741Rth659bXJFt90cRmjsCR2VFoopC4kX_yFHEZsFI-9JjsrAiCI566vGn7xdxd8ZO6f2bMjhrYASWGN1Vuv536YDdrOMl3FvVPPSR54ZbyTWKO1-ilCuttveZbSEJUbicIkK5VoJsUFgczEUiVXtLpiqM467mxtXYvqltje80/w400-h264/11.jpg" width="400" /></a></i></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Garlands of peppers festoon a farmhouse near Lake Ohrid, part of Albania's boundary with Yugoslavia. A million and a half Albanians live across the border.</span></b></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimmkZU-OTNJ37nhgcTvPMxFWhCad1emkBegYhxGWkkJEdhvLhwDzN9-_RRZtxWGthm0kKBjcnEyDGy5gVSmBSj1_C9ahg5trVcnE2uLLlCD2qSPPeI6JxTUbMU58HyRP7WY64xBVroxcX8HwtwEZecQXihbsKYnakOZHGdT1vyWR5tOrmTwZRgmX-QQzg/s1124/12.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="555" data-original-width="1124" height="198" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimmkZU-OTNJ37nhgcTvPMxFWhCad1emkBegYhxGWkkJEdhvLhwDzN9-_RRZtxWGthm0kKBjcnEyDGy5gVSmBSj1_C9ahg5trVcnE2uLLlCD2qSPPeI6JxTUbMU58HyRP7WY64xBVroxcX8HwtwEZecQXihbsKYnakOZHGdT1vyWR5tOrmTwZRgmX-QQzg/w400-h198/12.jpg" width="400" /></a></i></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Harder work and more sacrifice are constantly urged by daily newspaper readings. Apple pickers hear the Voice of Youth as their day begins.</span></b></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></i></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgWrTKXKBqafTJEgTUGlY9szD5kwtYqmD4aupK2I2jrtvdog2zAWm8NsncirEn40X0EEh3VHGbtUEv80Gimz5Sh7hASXTfSy44n4V-logrSYbAZ7S1RsfmNa5_e5_C0CqcJtm7YqlhfVFhBMy7VmubqeqeA0sY4_LPHX7Zp8cFkExQzvkJ8coJ0UAbHq-U/s1633/13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="965" data-original-width="1633" height="236" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgWrTKXKBqafTJEgTUGlY9szD5kwtYqmD4aupK2I2jrtvdog2zAWm8NsncirEn40X0EEh3VHGbtUEv80Gimz5Sh7hASXTfSy44n4V-logrSYbAZ7S1RsfmNa5_e5_C0CqcJtm7YqlhfVFhBMy7VmubqeqeA0sY4_LPHX7Zp8cFkExQzvkJ8coJ0UAbHq-U/w400-h236/13.jpg" width="400" /></a></i></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Terracing slopes by the Adriatic Sea (below) took heroic efforts, but citrus groves there help the nation feed itself. Albanians have dou bled their cultivated land in 35 years.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div> <p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">“What if students fail their exams?” “Our youth is idealistic. At the end of the year 96 percent pass. Those who fail are transferred to a farm or factory. Remember, our five-year plan designates how many doctors, engineers, geologists, scientists, and teachers the country needs each year. This university may not produce fewer. We must have the best young people to attain our goals in accordance with the plan.”</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><br /></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;">Working for the State</h3><div style="text-align: justify;">“The plan.” The phrase seemed to evoke awe whenever used. Indeed, in so dogmatically centralized an economy as Albania's the plan is sacred.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The plan is based on complete state ownership. Every shop, restaurant, and kiosk belongs to the state. Every taxi driver, barber, waiter, baker, and artist works for the state. Farmers work either on state-run farms or on state-sanctioned cooperatives.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Coming from inflation-plagued Turkey, I found an undeniable appeal in certain aspects of Albania's economy. No income tax. No inflation. No dependence on outside energy sources. And since everything is tightly controlled by the state, no price hikes-or wage increases.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Factory workers and farmers usually get 600 to 700 leks a month (a dollar is worth five leks); a university professor about 1,000. Wage leveling imposes a ceiling of 1,200 leks, except for top officials.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By Western standards, salaries are low. But so are many prices. In the shops I found meat from 12 to 18 leks a kilo ($1.10 to $1.60 a pound), bread 2 leks (18¢ a pound); a pack of local cigarettes costs 2 leks (40c).</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Clothing strains the family budget. I looked at Albanian-made men's suits cost- ing a month's salary, and which I wouldn't want to buy. Shoes are 100 leks, shirts 50 leks-but the quality is poor. The plan limits Albania's 250 million dollars of imports largely to essential machinery, spare parts, and raw materials, balanced by exports.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania keeps rents low-usually not more than 5 percent of family income. But officials admit to a shortage of flats, particularly for newly married couples.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Health services and education are free, and Albanians spend little on transportation or amusements. Even Tirana offers little entertainment: a few theaters, presenting ideological films, plays, operas, and folklore programs, but no nightclubs, which smack of bourgeois decadence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Tirana has more restaurants than other towns, but few can afford to dine out often. Albanians have their own strong grape spirit, raki, as well as brandy, wine, and beer. But they are not heavy drinkers. In Tirana a boy might take his girl friend to a park, weather permitting, or to see a film on the favorite theme, the antifascist National Liberation War.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sami Kohen saw one factory-organized dance at the Palace of Culture. Young couples were stepping sedately to old fox-trots and tangos played by an amateur orchestra. Discipline and calm prevailed.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In fact, Albania's “cultural revolution” sets the tone for youthful behavior and appearance. Not only long hair and miniskirts, but also blue jeans, narrow trousers, and makeup are taboo. No drugs, premarital sex, off-color jokes, or chewing gum. Rock music and loud jazz are frowned on.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Foreign visitors usually spend the eve- nings in the Hotel Dajti bar, taverna, and restaurant, where the cuisine is relatively good. “Apart from embassy cocktail parties, there is hardly any other place to go, anything to do, or anybody to talk to,” groused a young Western diplomat, whose previous post was Paris.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I turned this into an opportunity to learn more about the roots of Albania's suspicions about the outside world.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“If I were an Albanian, I'd be suspicious too,” my informant began. “Time and again predatory neighbors have invaded: Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece took big slices of Albanian territory.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg2tijaacDi1h4W_BTTGk57lPxv1Blej8gDt0pKp1H62W94sgeg1ZILvUQMn5NM-lzllOYFXeszh-CbA_CkWls1MtjGJseQ4S09a9H2mHwAOhLiMjec5u2_RHKFZ8lU2-f-LEXG8NNx_UQfjLxVAdvoz67Sonl7F7xB9WTga9aKDrAqm4-ICl-jDKE1vQs/s1168/14.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1168" data-original-width="776" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg2tijaacDi1h4W_BTTGk57lPxv1Blej8gDt0pKp1H62W94sgeg1ZILvUQMn5NM-lzllOYFXeszh-CbA_CkWls1MtjGJseQ4S09a9H2mHwAOhLiMjec5u2_RHKFZ8lU2-f-LEXG8NNx_UQfjLxVAdvoz67Sonl7F7xB9WTga9aKDrAqm4-ICl-jDKE1vQs/w266-h400/14.jpg" width="266" /></a></i></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A partisan's pride reflects from scarf and medals during a celebration commemorating victory over the Axis powers in 1944. Partisans of the Marxist-based National Liberation Front fought the occupying Italians and their German successors. They also waged a successful civil war against anti-Communist groups for con- trol of the country.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Remember, a million. and a half Albanians live in Yugoslavia to- day, half as many as in Albania itself. For 70 years Greece claimed northern Epirus, which is southern Albania. While Western diplomats twiddled their thumbs, Mussolini marched in and took over the whole country in 1939. Later, Tito wanted to make Albania into a seventh Yugoslav republic. A his- tory like this leaves deep scars.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania today has no diplomatic relations with the United States, Britain, or West Germany. Would this policy change now that Albania has fallen out with the Soviet Union and China?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“The United States is an arch-imperialist superpower, as threatening to us as social imperialist Russia and revisionist China,” a senior official of the Albanian Foreign Min- istry told Sami Kohen. “The Americans made approaches to us after the break with China, but we do not want to have anything to do with them.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Britain still holds 40 million dollars' worth of Albanian gold seized after World War II,” complained a journalist. “Germany refuses to pay us damages for the Nazi occupation, assessed at 4.5 billion dollars. We shall never accept diplomatic relations with either country without payment.”</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><br /></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;">Future Holds More of the Same</h3><div style="text-align: justify;">Today's Albania is shaped in the image of Enver Hoxha, now past 70. What after him? With the editor of Hosteni, the humor magazine, I recalled the Soviet Union's changes after Stalin and China's after Mao. Was there any possibility Albania might also soften after Enver Hoxha?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“You compare us with those revisionist countries?” he retorted, not amused. “No, nothing will change after Comrade Enver passes away. The party and the nation are strongly united. His teachings give us our direction. We shall not deviate from it.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Rather than opening to the outside world, the self-isolated Albanians keep constantly on a war footing. Besides two years' military service for young men and women, all ablebodied citizens, whatever their profession, must serve a month or more every year in the armed forces. Frequent military exercises at all factories, farms, and offices prepare the people against attack.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Everywhere I traveled on the seacoast, in mountain passes, in fields, in city parks, amid blocks of flats-I saw civil-defense bunkers. They look like-and grow like- mushrooms, their popular name. “More steel and concrete goes for bunkers than for housing,” a diplomat told me.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I knew that Enver Hoxha was concerned about the future of Yugoslavia after Tito- and the nightmare of a Soviet occupation. Does Albania really feel threatened?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“We must be prepared for the worst,” an Albanian journalist told me. “But could tiny Albania hold out against the attack of a major power?”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania's weaponry, mostly Chinese made, is outmoded, and diplomatic observers in Tirana say the country may be looking for arms in Europe.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“Even if the enemy is numerically superior, we can stop them. The whole nation will mobilize instantly. Our mountains and rivers make Albania a natural fortress. Any attack would cost the invaders fearfully.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I thought of the stone houses in Gjirokastër and other mountain towns, windowless walls below and loopholes above each house a fortress, the heritage of centuries of blood feuds. And I recalled the 15th-century citadel at Krujë-the stronghold from which Skanderbeg conducted 25 years of guerrilla warfare against the Ottomans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Born Gjergj Kastrioti, and sent as a youthful hostage to the sultan's court, he had risen to high command in the Ottoman Empire. Renamed for Alexander the Great (Iskander Bey in Turkish), whom the Turks admired, Skanderbeg defected and led 300 Albanian knights to reclaim his inheritance. He renounced Islam and stemmed the Turkish tide in Europe until his death in 1468.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He lived on as a symbol of resistance. And it was under Skanderbeg's banner-the black double-headed eagle on a blood red field-that Enver Hoxha's partisans forged the independent Albania of today.</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><br /></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;">State Forbids “Opium of the People”</h3><div style="text-align: justify;">Rain grayed Lake Scutari and shrouded the wild North Albanian Alps that sentinel the border with the Yugoslav Republic of Montenegro. Alongside the lake's outlet, which is navigable all the way to the Adriatic, spreads Shkodër, the ancient capital of Illyria. Brooding over it, a medieval citadel recalls Venetian masters. A monument in a park there honors five Albanian partisans who sacrificed themselves holding off 300 Nazi invaders. Near it I was taken to visit Shkodër's Atheism Museum.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Under Marx's slogan, “Feja është opium për popullin Religion is the opium of the people,” the director, a cold, harsh-voiced man in gray, told me that religion had obstructed Albanian independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Because the Turks identified nationality with religion, Albanians of Muslim faith (some 70 percent of the population) were considered Turks.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKq7NazMBHP1P6rH42DTPG4MweuswpZKDcJ1iHuG56l15e6YtnLasb7W9-HoDhsJpM1LDvF8MfcbcBcG03PYWsvlX9amkKxAr9EZv1RKCj4EFgwDLmjWwOlSXu_tHIm2BB7NROEkf6JE-u049xV38M_cJGjbRZXSznuy0oTbGQqHv9RK3C86-2r-0F718/s1162/15.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1162" data-original-width="790" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKq7NazMBHP1P6rH42DTPG4MweuswpZKDcJ1iHuG56l15e6YtnLasb7W9-HoDhsJpM1LDvF8MfcbcBcG03PYWsvlX9amkKxAr9EZv1RKCj4EFgwDLmjWwOlSXu_tHIm2BB7NROEkf6JE-u049xV38M_cJGjbRZXSznuy0oTbGQqHv9RK3C86-2r-0F718/w273-h400/15.jpg" width="273" /></a></i></div><p></p><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Mountain tradition colors the finery worn by a woman of Albania's northern cultural group, the Ghegs. The Party of La-bor, dominated by the southern group, the Tosks, has worked to stamp out customs such as infant betrothals. But the “law of the mountains” - including death or lifelong ostracism and ridicule for offenses against women and children-lives on.</span></b></div></b><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div style="text-align: justify;">The Orthodox Christians (about 20 percent) were called Greeks, and the Roman Catholics (about 10 percent)<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/06_Giugno/01_testo_e_PDF/02_Albania,%20Alone%20Against%20the%20World.docx#_ftn2">[2]</a> Latins. Services were thus conducted, not in Albanian, which was forbidden and didn't even get its Roman alphabet until 1908, but in three foreign languages: Arabic, Greek, and Latin. "During the struggle to build our Albanian nation," he continued, while showing me exhibits on clerical abuses, "the churches served as a fifth column for fas- cism, imperialism, and counterrevolution."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hoxha's regime executed the clergy, sentenced them to labor camps, or assigned them to "productive work." Other Communist countries curb religion; Albania forbids it, proclaiming itself in 1967 "the first atheist state in the world." All 2,169 mosques, churches, monasteries, and other "centers of obscurantism and mysticism" have been closed, torn down, or transformed into rec- reation centers, clinics, warehouses, or sta- bles. Shkodër's great cathedral reverberates to the shouts of 2,000 basketball fans.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania's new generation knows only atheism. Marxist-Leninist faith replaces religious faith. Enver Hoxha's books, serialized in newspapers, quoted on the radio, gleaned for slogans, serve as a New Testament. Hoxha is hailed as a messiah-infinitely wise, farsighted, and benevolent, but also implacable toward his foes.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><h3 style="text-align: center;">Leader Maintains High Profile</h3><div style="text-align: justify;">Living apart from his people in a heavily guarded compound off Fallen Heroes Boulevard, and riding in a curtained Mercedes, Enver Hoxha is omnipresent. His portrait looks down from walls everywhere, even from truck and tractor. His name is carved on hillsides in letters hundreds of feet high. His birthplace a two-story stone house in Gjirokastër-is a national shrine.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A master of Stalinist self-preservation, Hoxha has ruthlessly liquidated all opposition in the People's Socialist Republic of Albania. The revolutionary elite, convinced that human nature can be shaped by incessant indoctrination, has set out to forge a new Albanian citizen who will unquestion- ingly make any sacrifice in his nation's fight against "savage imperialist-revisionist encirclement" to build a socialist society free of the heresy of individualism, independent thought, or alien morality.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqXlbsk7e5HUSIgg5Mfd2nYKKjy6-RWok93azNKaEoDM14TH7NL1BLcYJGUswiFyLTxVNHIh0kbVaER3WlmRE-YAk6VioKLFAw5csUilMJkIyz8C2w5NTVjQ-9T0Jo2-2ikEbCSAp7P59HRlKdiarrmhkyfDGjWl8ydmdqXCyL8sH_fsOBYpaPCvqgrgA/s1147/16.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1008" data-original-width="1147" height="351" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqXlbsk7e5HUSIgg5Mfd2nYKKjy6-RWok93azNKaEoDM14TH7NL1BLcYJGUswiFyLTxVNHIh0kbVaER3WlmRE-YAk6VioKLFAw5csUilMJkIyz8C2w5NTVjQ-9T0Jo2-2ikEbCSAp7P59HRlKdiarrmhkyfDGjWl8ydmdqXCyL8sH_fsOBYpaPCvqgrgA/w400-h351/16.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Telling a timeless story, a woman spins yarn from wool. Though all farms are collectivized, rural families are allowed to own a cow and a few sheep and are allotted small plots that produce a disproportionate share of the nation's crops.</span></b></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></i></p><div style="text-align: justify;">While striving to remold its citizens, this tiny, once backward nation has pulled itself up impressively by its bootstraps. Take the big metallurgical plant at Elbasan, called the Steel of the Party; the hydroelectric station at Fierzë, dubbed the Light of the Party; a student enrollment of 700,000 against 56,000 in 1938; two radio transmitters in 1945 climbing to 52 in two decades; average life expectancy nearly doubling in four decades-certainly striking achievements.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The regime is also trying to dismantle the patriarchal clan structure that has provided social cohesion in Albania's mountain wilds. In doing so, it is stamping out vendettas, which, as late as 1920, accounted for one out of four male deaths. It has suppressed blood vengeance for adultery. (Highland tradition gave the husband the right to shoot his wife and her lover. Her family, in ritual approval, gave him a bullet!)</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The reformers put an end to infant be- trothals and the sale of 12-year-old brides, and attacked customs chaining Albanian women, traditionally considered "long of hair and short of brains," to an inferior role.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjqLQ_nT2F5cr_QfLe3S_Iaam6KQyw302vZC2KLcMQZy9BhXza0Yx6t6-8LkCx8fnYyIzbhOQriyB4SRZZYJCR3fgknscGvN8YUCVXmhbbLoZb6CRFbRFAfYvAtBqLWbDyfcUAm3k7eLs6KquaIsjkeZkopyBHVZtQqy9VC5hWmlngM9Qu-IiSgu2SawL8/s1280/17.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="807" data-original-width="1280" height="253" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjqLQ_nT2F5cr_QfLe3S_Iaam6KQyw302vZC2KLcMQZy9BhXza0Yx6t6-8LkCx8fnYyIzbhOQriyB4SRZZYJCR3fgknscGvN8YUCVXmhbbLoZb6CRFbRFAfYvAtBqLWbDyfcUAm3k7eLs6KquaIsjkeZkopyBHVZtQqy9VC5hWmlngM9Qu-IiSgu2SawL8/w400-h253/17.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">One umbrella is enough for travelers near Lezhë. Resisting a rain of foreign gods, Albania goes it alone.</span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">No corner of Albanian life, material or spiritual, has escaped Hoxha's drive for control. People with names "inappropriate or offensive" from a political, ideological, or moral viewpoint must change them. Not even the dead elude Hoxha's reforming zeal. Burials, paid for by the state, are in common ground, without the traditional separation by religion.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Turn over the glittering coin of increased literacy and you find the dark side of increased thought control, for the Directorate of Agitation and Propaganda determines what Albanians will read, just as the state determines who will work where, who will be rewarded, and who will be punished…</div><h3 style="text-align: center;"><br /></h3><h3 style="text-align: center;">Wary Society Closes Its Doors</h3><div style="text-align: justify;">The harsh hand of history has embedded suspicion in the Albanian psyche. After three weeks in Albania, I realized how little I had been able to penetrate the facade of this portentous social experiment.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Never in my travels about the world had I experienced so closed a society, had I felt so much an island. Accompanied and watched constantly, I felt that the conspicuous yellow car I traveled in was like the clapper that warned of the medieval leper's approach.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">My guide, Bashkim Babani, would step behind me to see what my camera was recording. He let me photograph the outside of industrial plants but not observe them at work, visit a hydroelectric dam but not the powerhouse. At a distillery I was given raki to drink but could not see its making. Requests to visit families and homes were politely parried or ignored.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">No pictures of bunkers, no donkeys, nothing primitive of course. But Bashkim even stopped me from duplicating scenes on Albanian postcards. One citizen objected to my photographing children in front of Tirana's puppet theater. Bashkim discouraged taking pictures of a wedding procession. The regime downplays such traditional festivities. Nor do I recall ever seeing a pet dog or cat, bourgeois luxuries.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Once I struck up a direct conversation with a peasant in Turkish. Bashkim immediately switched to Albanian and translated the answers into the usual party jargon.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Nor could I penetrate his defenses. He I was correct and cordial, as were most Albanians. Only once did I encounter a breach of hospitality when a teenager on a collective grape farm near Shkodër spat in front of me and hurled an antiforeign slogan in my face. I tried to prime the pump by telling Bashkim of my life in Istanbul with my wife and son. But he never parted the curtain, as on Enver Hoxha's Mercedes, to allow me a glimpse of his life and private thoughts. Indeed, he seemed to embody the very attitude, the very mask, that his nation so defiantly wears.</div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br /></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><div style="text-align: center;"><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/06/shqiperia-e-vetme-kunder-botes-1980.html " target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip </b></a></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/06/albania-soli-contro-il-mondo-1980.html" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->
<br /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<h4 style="text-align: left;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/06_Giugno/01_testo_e_PDF/02_Albania,%20Alone%20Against%20the%20World.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> National
Geographic, October 1980</h4><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/06_Giugno/01_testo_e_PDF/02_Albania,%20Alone%20Against%20the%20World.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> See
"Montenegro: Yugoslavia's 'Black Mountain," by Bryan Hodgson in the
November 1977 issue.<o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-54748714277291720352023-05-27T15:00:00.009-07:002023-10-29T03:12:15.953-07:00Albania today: two million souls ten thousand policemen (1965)<p> </p><h1 style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">Albania today: two million souls ten thousand policemen<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/05_Maggio/testo_pdf/02_Albania%20today%20two%20million%20souls%20ten%20thousand%20policemen-GB.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></h1>
<h2 style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Text and photos by Fernand Gigon</span></b></h2>
<div style="text-align: right;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"> <b><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/05/shqiperia-sot-dy-milione-shpirtra.html" target="_blank">Lexo artikullin në shqip</a> </b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b> <a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/05/albania-oggi-due-milioni-di-anime.html"> Leggi l'articolo in italiano </a> </b> </div><i><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i>This is the first colour photo report made in Albania by the correspondent of a western newspaper. Having crossed the gates of the forbidden frontier, here is how today's Albanians live in the 'branch' of China that Mao opened on the shores of the Adriatic. The same myths and slogans of Chinese communism: heroic poverty, dedication to the state, fanatical nationalism.</i></div></i><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhefUZWZ42sMJd57c9TF_PBqZz59L153Fs-gOmzqYJD7io0yG_QQiqb8ydd1tVhrG4LyTBBNiRkTOLvvKw84g0GpxA_UAqRfPDh_7FM7mHa9LKfcpVqGLyQXQTsjAXgx4yHGSqy3dznGd1JICxwdhQLHsojEXzxI7P4RAZmEB95WbQP_pKUih5vmETpFPE/s1344/01..jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1025" data-original-width="1344" height="244" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhefUZWZ42sMJd57c9TF_PBqZz59L153Fs-gOmzqYJD7io0yG_QQiqb8ydd1tVhrG4LyTBBNiRkTOLvvKw84g0GpxA_UAqRfPDh_7FM7mHa9LKfcpVqGLyQXQTsjAXgx4yHGSqy3dznGd1JICxwdhQLHsojEXzxI7P4RAZmEB95WbQP_pKUih5vmETpFPE/w320-h244/01..jpeg" width="320" /></a></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Two policemen check documents, just before a football match at the Tirana stadium.</span></b></div><p></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Women are in the fields, men at arms, apricot trees in bloom and policemen everywhere. Sometimes the women leave the spade and take up the rifle, or vice versa. The only ones who leave nothing behind are the policemen in uniform, flat cap or goat's hair hat, or in plain clothes, i.e. in an Italian-made mackintosh. They hold 1.8 million inhabitants in such a tight fist, they guard it so closely, that no act of any citizen can escape them.<span><a name='more'></a></span></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihP-2rVIMDZYZrPwpqy_ueDM94gZ9ZKLQrymiLChxuUB9PB5exjRqWoGRtZFZxO3csyOCE_S5ycFGg8lWvwKhZH6m8Fux7P2AN6G317uraExbtbFDOhNXLYoABGNZEdYqr3hDI3o75LiRlMfg5Guseq7dJ6166tEsjrt4iIlKyZHqfTAhcAclesPauozw/s1344/02..jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="610" data-original-width="1344" height="181" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihP-2rVIMDZYZrPwpqy_ueDM94gZ9ZKLQrymiLChxuUB9PB5exjRqWoGRtZFZxO3csyOCE_S5ycFGg8lWvwKhZH6m8Fux7P2AN6G317uraExbtbFDOhNXLYoABGNZEdYqr3hDI3o75LiRlMfg5Guseq7dJ6166tEsjrt4iIlKyZHqfTAhcAclesPauozw/w400-h181/02..jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A group of Chinese technicians strolling through Tirana. The Chinese have taken the place of the Russians.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Among the many functions of policemen is to see to it that visiting foreigners do not stray from the group; there is that of sitting by their side in restaurants or in the stands of stadiums. The nightmare of these officers is that you manage to take a photograph of a scantily clad Albanian, against the backdrop, perhaps, of a new government building, or a factory under construction. The police, more than the political regime, keep Albania in a state of hibernation. It is incorruptible, and since murderers and robbers are quite rare in this country, it is mainly dedicated to political crimes. Punishments range from five years upwards, and are served in labour camps (surrounded by a curtain of silence and mystery) where brainwashing goes hand in hand with potato harvesting.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh04SK8OtxcacwKRTuMulma_i4BBuJthyFSNiS7kelUN0OCmIM8ncPyu37s4xnTFEhqrzWtX84CjRaCbTvoktiTZgP_GgL1UrtnFRn9sKb5TuwYllV0gdCJ8x1XXgFHO06Rmtwqto_CV_sXP7baJkLkrG2_cQKE9Msl2vUBd0fTy9l1Xdric8jHn_z2Yrk/s1344/03..jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1012" data-original-width="1344" height="301" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh04SK8OtxcacwKRTuMulma_i4BBuJthyFSNiS7kelUN0OCmIM8ncPyu37s4xnTFEhqrzWtX84CjRaCbTvoktiTZgP_GgL1UrtnFRn9sKb5TuwYllV0gdCJ8x1XXgFHO06Rmtwqto_CV_sXP7baJkLkrG2_cQKE9Msl2vUBd0fTy9l1Xdric8jHn_z2Yrk/w400-h301/03..jpeg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Portraits of today's 'labour heroes' on public display on a street in the capital.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Officially, there are ten thousand policemen on duty 'for the security of the state'. But then you have to take into account all those who come to put their hand in front of the Leica lens, all those who wander along the borders, between Thethi, Kukesi and Zergani, to arrest refugees seeking escape to Yugoslavia. This policing attitude, this age-old distrust, is the fruit not only of the dictatorial regime but also of the five centuries of Turkish oppression.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzUuvHSznUF1S6e8bzLLigpAaFYYfjhZlQaie4JNQJRnI2cqp5y4f-ojWZdsrVL8E49PdhsVMdRD6yz8V_E1g8oErC-bwyHVCOAVjiaFGuAKFwFEv2S5wiV6wqRDc4gO9I_EbTrfmHyQd1CU3T2lxs8tBeip1njjHOrb9wIRVwR6ilm8uK5CuiAOyMYrw/s846/04.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="846" data-original-width="725" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzUuvHSznUF1S6e8bzLLigpAaFYYfjhZlQaie4JNQJRnI2cqp5y4f-ojWZdsrVL8E49PdhsVMdRD6yz8V_E1g8oErC-bwyHVCOAVjiaFGuAKFwFEv2S5wiV6wqRDc4gO9I_EbTrfmHyQd1CU3T2lxs8tBeip1njjHOrb9wIRVwR6ilm8uK5CuiAOyMYrw/w343-h400/04.jpg" width="343" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Prime minister Enver Hoxha 1965)</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">No other country in the world, except Tibet, is so hermetically closed, condemned by itself to such asphyxiation. A nation that is within reach, and yet the most impenetrable in Europe. There are only two western embassies in Tirana: Italy and France. Turkey, the RAU, Ghana, Cuba, Algeria only keep diplomatic delegations there. And behind them the countries of the East, all except the Soviet Union.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Albania is today a Chinese loudspeaker aimed at the West, spreading a strange ideology, a little bit inhuman and a little bit messianic, but certainly lagging far behind more modern Marxist thought. The 'hard' and 'pure' of Western communism listen to it as a holy gospel, so that this ideology ends up undermining the foundations of the communist bloc far more than all the united attacks of our democracies.<span><!--more--></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">For about eighteen years, the Soviets, in order to have a foot in Albania, maintained an embassy of three thousand people, disproportionate subsidies to the government, a series of five-year plans, seven hundred scholarships per year to Albanian students, and fifteen submarines ambushed in the submarine caves of Sassano, a gun pointed at the American VI fleet in the Mediterranean, and especially at the ships cruising in the Adriatic.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrXxRIf1JCF4miPok65FdYlyGhDBE58C-arKGhBXnskeYGlK_ngwo2RGuUVcqkEevcB32LHiFwx5geOl0vM2YQ7bsvz-nim62Dgy5HUDVANMGlhsAbOQZpto-A7EmC9sZFt6pCuTcnrBV8UFT-YALxKi5kUUyEGWeuONBekMae3T_QbMlyOUWX3_8yCDA/s2971/05.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2971" data-original-width="2025" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrXxRIf1JCF4miPok65FdYlyGhDBE58C-arKGhBXnskeYGlK_ngwo2RGuUVcqkEevcB32LHiFwx5geOl0vM2YQ7bsvz-nim62Dgy5HUDVANMGlhsAbOQZpto-A7EmC9sZFt6pCuTcnrBV8UFT-YALxKi5kUUyEGWeuONBekMae3T_QbMlyOUWX3_8yCDA/w273-h400/05.jpg" width="273" /></a></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The monument to Stalin in Scanderbeg Square (Albania's national hero) in Tirana. Here Stalin is still revered as he once was.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">We do not know whether the Soviets, before leaving the country covered by an insulting campaign, had managed to win the gratitude of the Albanians. One fact is certain: that in the libraries, the only technical and scientific texts are printed in Russian, and that they must be referred to in order to operate the factories installed by the Russians almost everywhere. In schools, however, the teaching of Chinese is compulsory. The second foreign language is French. And in French, very correctly, the country's party secretary and dictator, Enver Hoxha, and with him the intellectuals, the men of his generation who learned French at the Korça high school or at the capital's Kyrenia school. After 1939, when the Italians arrived, the study of Descartes' language was replaced with the language of Dante.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh9hQQ6lg_yMRl0EKh_P0Yt5ki28-bjFxfBfvbndh9xE_6FUj1WPJbDMRYEXljUPC09-n16gYwCZiF4Q7YV1FO0Fy61p6G2Z5PwkXKZstgtEtB5yLIRIYmvwTKpT9cq7G2hnWxY6g8L-rgBprDczUVYg2l-mwx4AK2QJOold8H9k_8Jx_unLQAYtuXRFM0/s2294/06.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2294" data-original-width="2032" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh9hQQ6lg_yMRl0EKh_P0Yt5ki28-bjFxfBfvbndh9xE_6FUj1WPJbDMRYEXljUPC09-n16gYwCZiF4Q7YV1FO0Fy61p6G2Z5PwkXKZstgtEtB5yLIRIYmvwTKpT9cq7G2hnWxY6g8L-rgBprDczUVYg2l-mwx4AK2QJOold8H9k_8Jx_unLQAYtuXRFM0/w354-h400/06.jpg" width="354" /></a></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>A political propaganda board on the road from Durres to the capital. The word partisë recurs in all slogans. The initials PPSH are those of the unique 'Albanian Labour Party'.</b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A few years ago, I met in Beijing four Albanians commissioned by the Chinese government to collaborate on the design of the five-year plan to be launched in 1968. They spoke perfect French and often evoked the years of their youth at the high school in Korça or at the language faculty of the University of Tirana. Currently, Paris and Tirana are on good terms, and even exchange teachers for a few weeks, but the Albanian government is always on its guard, fearing that excessive liberalisation of cultural exchanges could adversely affect the rigid local Marxism.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Albanians' political, and sentimental, creed is encapsulated in one phrase: 'He who is an enemy of Yugoslavia is our friend'. Hence, the cult that Tirana still vows to Stalinism. Hence, the loyalty to the myth of the red dictator. In Albanian cities, the statue of Stalin stands majestically in the main square. To see others today, one has to go to China, or to Georgia, the Marshal's homeland. In Tirana, his monument dominates Scanderbeg Square (national hero of Albanian independence against the Turks) and seems to defy every ideological storm. At the airport, Stalin towers over the bar and a series of commemorative photographs, with captions in Cyrillic characters.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYKsFAPzAZNWnvN5G-JQ-WubdI3a9Wwwy4SmPZqyGY6cv6sDFGUiFr4XtrWyIVZcPxtJjvHsIXSYNOaTHR3v5tmegasDLphJamqdwvaV3P-taZgqePw2YBrzt7t6tTVgG4YbfXlGauMPfzh5LEI-b2ak0vDip8xM_SmRwGGS3qXPCsNBqCZi5okYWVa2U/s1918/07.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1331" data-original-width="1918" height="278" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYKsFAPzAZNWnvN5G-JQ-WubdI3a9Wwwy4SmPZqyGY6cv6sDFGUiFr4XtrWyIVZcPxtJjvHsIXSYNOaTHR3v5tmegasDLphJamqdwvaV3P-taZgqePw2YBrzt7t6tTVgG4YbfXlGauMPfzh5LEI-b2ak0vDip8xM_SmRwGGS3qXPCsNBqCZi5okYWVa2U/w400-h278/07.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Sunday in Tirana: football fans gather around the old mosque to buy tickets for the match.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Moreover, even the extraordinarily ugly government buildings, the council houses, the satellite towns surrounding the capital bear the imprint of Soviet architecture. The barracks style, sometimes with colonnades that support nothing, triumphs in the towns and villages. A bad taste, however, that has replaced in many suburbs the wall of rammed earth or kneaded clay and straw. Unfinished, however, is the colossal Soviet embassy, which the Albanians have not had time to admire. Yet, it cannot be said that the Russians did not leave traces of themselves through the countless expert consultants, engineers and technicians who came from the Urals or the Volga. They were the first to awaken this people from its long slumber, they instilled in it a way of life that can be found in the bureaucracy and the police. And now the Chinese are trying to change these habits, to communicate their own.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7gdTVi5TvFT2cKyuOabIFjeaZD7MmyztZT1p_4EyNDhdpANgIObckLjz-af1r6RXrAjnys8YrKRpCg5RfLeXa9MGkksbfoknJPa0SzwDwx-6ybL1z3DVEEoAJpQ-tUytPJtXpcyqdop9Nv0rytTEtE5FKMl8OPvvcwiMLeHGyC_LdQk-kPBzm91FA_0E/s1582/08.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1582" data-original-width="1357" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7gdTVi5TvFT2cKyuOabIFjeaZD7MmyztZT1p_4EyNDhdpANgIObckLjz-af1r6RXrAjnys8YrKRpCg5RfLeXa9MGkksbfoknJPa0SzwDwx-6ybL1z3DVEEoAJpQ-tUytPJtXpcyqdop9Nv0rytTEtE5FKMl8OPvvcwiMLeHGyC_LdQk-kPBzm91FA_0E/w343-h400/08.jpg" width="343" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Another political manifesto extolling the union between workers and peasants. Nine out of ten Albanians live off agriculture.</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Seen from behind, the Albanian officer resembles a Russian officer in every detail: the same severe uniform of dull green, the same visor cap with red green or blue ribbon, the same golden epaulettes, the boots that reach the calf. Moscow School instructors have long taught Albanian recruits the new art of war. But not of guerrilla warfare, too dangerous. To become a fantaccino, artilleryman or tank man, the young call-up takes two years. Three to become an aviator.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It happens, on the way down from Tirana towards the sea, to come across soldiers in training. They march in single file, by the side of the road, or drag a campaign cannon up steep paths. In these manoeuvres, which would seem ordinary, the partisan who sleeps in the bottom of every Albanian is awakened and turns him into one of the best soldiers in Europe. This was well known by the Italians, and later by the Germans, who suffered their deadly ambushes and sudden machine-gun attacks.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglGaZHiEuglmzAO_2rT7tV3TW8Kf258I99XzQA80KAb9T6pqxNNynVQvzggVlzIhwdxtdsHppveRvrIJ5irqTUMJ8OGnqdKdTs0NCMdJFlOuLrQRCb-B881PF6MHf-I8JMBYrRBwh9Qzo0EGogPPleYvD4O2K7gEp-rfUyzC6eE5c4KkEmVs8jLryDLxw/s1945/09.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1945" data-original-width="1795" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglGaZHiEuglmzAO_2rT7tV3TW8Kf258I99XzQA80KAb9T6pqxNNynVQvzggVlzIhwdxtdsHppveRvrIJ5irqTUMJ8OGnqdKdTs0NCMdJFlOuLrQRCb-B881PF6MHf-I8JMBYrRBwh9Qzo0EGogPPleYvD4O2K7gEp-rfUyzC6eE5c4KkEmVs8jLryDLxw/w369-h400/09.jpg" width="369" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Boys in a suburb of Tirana. The city today has 140,000 inhabitants. The living standard of Albanians is considered the lowest among the countries of the European communist bloc.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Liberated by its partisans, Albania dedicated a cult to them that still endures. Literature, painting and sculpture celebrate their exploits. In the small museum in Durrës, for example, a third of the canvases on display recount the partisan epic. In the cemeteries, the graves of the fallen are decorated with stars that blush amidst the greenery of the parks. The word 'partisan' is found in the names of streets, cinemas, schools, collective farms and workers' clubs. 'Lavdi', meaning 'glory' is the key word of Albania. It is painted, drawn, sculpted, sung, written everywhere. It has the power to exert a kind of permanent mobilisation of the country. Here, it seems that the war has just ended. The former collaborators with yesterday's enemies, twenty years after peace, still have no right to vote, and the national anthem begins with the words: 'This red flag that united us in the struggle...'.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Fanaticism and patriotic passion often replace every other virtue of the Albanians. Here, every man who is young and robust-looking wears a uniform. But perhaps this is a false impression, because it should not take so many soldiers to form an army of just 25,000 men framed in three divisions, to drive 150 tanks and pilot a few dozen Soviet Migs. If the presence of the army is obvious to the foreigner, it is even more so to the Albanians, who see in it their main strength.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1_ZHGU8uczBy5WYbmQogE45ISNUlNj3lB8_TJr6iSib6gWE26TPvEiQMKEQDS8VLbcFfdk90G98rmnaq-89B1AVrscVxyDDyOv5oe3v4uDIe-hOpOsolsmN0mmnf6dHNoopNXZV2WE0CS-LmA5AQBqcAUfrboPhPoHffFU3fBqGI3WR16jk3lYx9DISs/s1176/10.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="971" data-original-width="1176" height="330" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj1_ZHGU8uczBy5WYbmQogE45ISNUlNj3lB8_TJr6iSib6gWE26TPvEiQMKEQDS8VLbcFfdk90G98rmnaq-89B1AVrscVxyDDyOv5oe3v4uDIe-hOpOsolsmN0mmnf6dHNoopNXZV2WE0CS-LmA5AQBqcAUfrboPhPoHffFU3fBqGI3WR16jk3lYx9DISs/w400-h330/10.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Young Tyroleans outside a cinema showing the Italian film 'Il ferroviere' by</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Pietro Germi. Italy and France have the only two western embassies in Albania.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is to the army that it would fall the task of opposing an invasion, should Yugoslavian annexation aims over Macedonia, or Greek annexation aims over Northern Epirus, become a reality. In fact, as soon as Hoxha senses that the country is slipping from his iron fist, all he has to do is conjure up the ghost of his neighbours to find unanimity around him. It is a form of nationalism that even explodes, with primitive violence, in international football matches. Hoxha uses it in the same way as missile parades, which for the first time this year appeared in a military parade in Tirana. They are Soviet-shaped missiles, but Chinese-made. The ramps are located in the mountains, a thousand metres above sea level, and are capable of launching a rocket with absolute precision over Ro- ma as over Sofia or Belgrade.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlr-_s9fvcH6bsgdhDRqWK6stomRi6gYf3eyKrEr6X58ZeF5A-BPsUn0es1dz3bIMtvWntRADhCm-jqYj8GxbwiUJv31Bx4sbTpV84lstfEll21d30QIesL2KbgcEaALKrrI0gGM7RkgmymMTpoAoaX8rhaJWEriQ2Wyzx-me0BV3hita5bQvM3hTQjw0/s1016/12.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1016" data-original-width="855" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlr-_s9fvcH6bsgdhDRqWK6stomRi6gYf3eyKrEr6X58ZeF5A-BPsUn0es1dz3bIMtvWntRADhCm-jqYj8GxbwiUJv31Bx4sbTpV84lstfEll21d30QIesL2KbgcEaALKrrI0gGM7RkgmymMTpoAoaX8rhaJWEriQ2Wyzx-me0BV3hita5bQvM3hTQjw0/w336-h400/12.jpg" width="336" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">An anti-American poster about Vietnam.</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The military is one of the aspects that best illustrate Moscow's decline in favour of Beijing, The Migs, for example, delivered by the Russians at the time, cannot fly for long without spare parts. The Chinese manufacture them, but in insufficient quantities. The motorised units, consisting of Siz or Skoda vehicles, have disappeared. And today the 175 kilometres of paved road are abandoned to civilians, donkeys and farmers' carts. As for the soldiers, forced to go on foot, they have returned to their true nature as mountain guerrillas, in perfect accordance with Mao-Tse-tung's theories and tactics.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At the time of the Sovietisation of Albania, the Russians k<span><!--more--></span>ept three thousand people in Tirana. The Chinese, on the other hand, content themselves with two hundred specialists, who moreover have the power to make themselves invisible, and if they drive through the city centre they do so with the curtains down. Rather, China's presence is felt through other signs, in the slogans for example (placed on every tree or telegraph pole along the entrance road to Tirana) extolling Sino-Albanian friendship.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3MKfOk3DkveF7XIXPt9zKn4Q2GEAXOOfIJA04k1sqiRl660fOhRQkbLcFoQYW6X5PM4s5ortsrdDc_XU_fBSN3Mxwf_-6IVMjjppMEKOnccXRoZyQ_8VOEG5lVeUplXYqKQDCp8NGeNxbgnhM89p65844dnSco0XNtHZLFECDUjezj6YwDAZvyNWP1ZE/s960/13.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="710" data-original-width="960" height="296" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3MKfOk3DkveF7XIXPt9zKn4Q2GEAXOOfIJA04k1sqiRl660fOhRQkbLcFoQYW6X5PM4s5ortsrdDc_XU_fBSN3Mxwf_-6IVMjjppMEKOnccXRoZyQ_8VOEG5lVeUplXYqKQDCp8NGeNxbgnhM89p65844dnSco0XNtHZLFECDUjezj6YwDAZvyNWP1ZE/w400-h296/13.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The ice cream cart.</span></b></div><div><br /></div>The maps on display in bookshops also include Formosa in Red China. And so Vietnam does not stop in Hanoi, but reaches as far as the South, On the windows of the shop windows are pasted protest placards, slogans against the American bombing on the other side of the 17th parallel. The same drawings, the same political slogans that can be read at this very moment on the Avenue of Great Peace in Beijing, The campaign also repeats the identical characteristics, with the working groups (almost always women) resembling the teams of the People's Communes. The method of work is the same, in long lines, dotted with red, which is not the red of Leninist flags but the red of Turkish bodices, bent over the earth. <br />Even the landscape has taken on a Chinese air. These bare fields, these terraced hills with stunted saplings planted at the summit, I remember seeing them in the Swechwan, or around Chuking, with programmatic writing drawn in the ground.
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgeAC9g9lfRLf9YGeiKOKQHkcl-1x1-H7HA5zCjrBGTg5geXrvN_9VUZCjaAUGsPBZan0XcS0O462jAkMfbmRG9Nfuph6CbILYu3a5n0JX4wIku8rqlsKUhN0i9A2R1-3-45fgqB_xx2DJwHSKuISCElTnmhFvIUZrT0K9hgQ0maNfFaneSnNln9K1jir0/s1859/14.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1468" data-original-width="1859" height="316" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgeAC9g9lfRLf9YGeiKOKQHkcl-1x1-H7HA5zCjrBGTg5geXrvN_9VUZCjaAUGsPBZan0XcS0O462jAkMfbmRG9Nfuph6CbILYu3a5n0JX4wIku8rqlsKUhN0i9A2R1-3-45fgqB_xx2DJwHSKuISCElTnmhFvIUZrT0K9hgQ0maNfFaneSnNln9K1jir0/w400-h316/14.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">An aspect of traffic in the centre of Tirana, here regulated by two officers. The bicycle is still the most popular means of transport in a country where motorisation has only just begun. On New Albania Avenue, the main artery, a car passes every twenty minutes.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Here, too, one can read, on a hill of blossoming peach trees, the inscription 'Lavdi PPSH' meaning 'glory to the Albanian labour party'. The slogan stands out clearly against the sombre green of the trees, composed as it is of thousands of white stones or lime-painted bricks. An inscription that can be read from miles away.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Another writing ground are the boundary walls of factories, the facades of farms, the pavements and asphalt of roads. Wherever our eye rests, it is sure to encounter a written word: struggle, glory, committee, workers' party, heroic, partisan, and so on.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">What is lacking in Albania, however, is the spoken word, direct communication, or rather the courage to communicate without awkwardness, without fear, Here is an example. On a road, towards evening, two workers are doing some running, they walk briskly. When I am level with them one of them asks without looking at me: "Do you speak German?" and then without waiting for an answer he adds in German: "Do you have something to sell?" Then, again without looking at me, he walks away with his companion at a brisk pace.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Contact with the foreigner, here immediately recognised, is avoided even by diplomats and high officials. If at a restaurant you happen to see the wife of an Albanian leader together with a foreigner, rest assured that it is an official invitation, by order of the Party, and not a private relationship, of personal sympathy. Albanians and foreigners are, even at home, divided by invisible curtains.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCACXX-Yc_yoaPN7ggN24O3Taa9zO5lwysuI5Xs0da2uA_wOZjx7_BOe10J6HgbUpIG3FKGHLNx3wH-EADud7295w8Y-uPZKtHEXvJ-5RJiT33RLqdPVkO0y-zR4IxkENz_qYf2Igb4cNFCOsYRmRHGZryKz2I4rlkfWikyd9QlEG6l85R_nQe-lJnNqo/s2481/11.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2481" data-original-width="1296" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCACXX-Yc_yoaPN7ggN24O3Taa9zO5lwysuI5Xs0da2uA_wOZjx7_BOe10J6HgbUpIG3FKGHLNx3wH-EADud7295w8Y-uPZKtHEXvJ-5RJiT33RLqdPVkO0y-zR4IxkENz_qYf2Igb4cNFCOsYRmRHGZryKz2I4rlkfWikyd9QlEG6l85R_nQe-lJnNqo/w209-h400/11.jpg" width="209" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Durrës: a poster for the complete works of Mao Tse-tung published in cheap editions at the cost of a few lek (one lek is worth about 5 lire).</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Enver Hoxha himself rarely appears in public. His position as First Party Secretary allows him to stay away from cocktails and embassy receptions. He lives a very modest life, as do his ministers, officials and generals, who have neither private cars nor service personnel. A marked austerity, or rather a collective poverty, accompanies these men in every action of their lives. The communist regime, after twenty years of exercise and dictatorship, has only achieved two things: first, to evolve the country from a state of misery to a state of poverty; second, to force the Albanians to work. It matters little if by dint of scapegoats and slogans, but the result is undeniable.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEinSDBJY9jQjpWPg6_5X5CSn73A25h5fWST027INyq4qV3idkkTfccrQNxodN8d1uXQHNPcROmyvCXOvP-f-9UNFCskgosXi2G7sT_Maw7N2-FfdP-SkzBFvP7re8ro_1tkovx7FTTx53VOVRCv3KrAsK_SIGW95h7JrgzPfy70DD_SpNArI1aBSN3GExI/s1226/16.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1226" data-original-width="1221" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEinSDBJY9jQjpWPg6_5X5CSn73A25h5fWST027INyq4qV3idkkTfccrQNxodN8d1uXQHNPcROmyvCXOvP-f-9UNFCskgosXi2G7sT_Maw7N2-FfdP-SkzBFvP7re8ro_1tkovx7FTTx53VOVRCv3KrAsK_SIGW95h7JrgzPfy70DD_SpNArI1aBSN3GExI/w399-h400/16.jpg" width="399" /></a></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">A bust of Stalin in the square </span></b><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">main city of Durrës.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Now it is a matter of progressing to a level of decency, and to get there, the Chinese have devised a series of five-year plans that they take out of their wallets like so many miracle recipes. Beijing has offered Tirana a prefab factory, a cement factory, a textile factory, and a chemical fertiliser factory. But since they have no experience in this field, the Albanians have asked the Italian government for the necessary workers. Beijing will then pay the bill.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Regardless of whether new factories are built or not, Albania remains a poor nation, with nine out of ten inhabitants engaged in agriculture. The salary of a skilled worker is 6000 lek, that of a university professor 9000. A labourer or clerk with his 4000 lek per month can barely afford a pair of shoes. Rent and taxes are minimal, but food, if you go beyond the level of corn and cheese, weighs heavily on the family budget. For meat, there are queues at the shops, especially during the Easter holidays, when lamb and mutton are traditional dishes on the table.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGKnhrjtbrfDkvFiAjnpEOBl5v1AWSXnTPT2F2R6R_PIVdz1GMZqnMTz-9eG0uMLyMmtf9NFFrEL6wVW4pKAq8hEwP285OTLRAmmGz4DwEyHG5MNCLOqF2lxJ2qi6STeU_y2LzKFu24WFKHIN6HgfVTV1VPedRX4GyJh3G_9PkPZf213wSHLrN_sBr_HU/s2640/17.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1546" data-original-width="2640" height="234" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGKnhrjtbrfDkvFiAjnpEOBl5v1AWSXnTPT2F2R6R_PIVdz1GMZqnMTz-9eG0uMLyMmtf9NFFrEL6wVW4pKAq8hEwP285OTLRAmmGz4DwEyHG5MNCLOqF2lxJ2qi6STeU_y2LzKFu24WFKHIN6HgfVTV1VPedRX4GyJh3G_9PkPZf213wSHLrN_sBr_HU/w400-h234/17.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The new Palace of Culture in Durrës, The building houses a theatre, a museum and a concert hall. Durres (42,000 inhabitants) has tobacco manufactures.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Albanian woman queues to get a rare quality of fish, because her government sells it to Italy. In return, her husband has to queue for a stadium ticket, which the union provides at reduced prices. It is a scene that can be observed in the centre of Tirana, between the new Palace of Culture and the old mosque, where football 'scalpers' gather under the complacent eye of the guards. If you don't have a ticket, you will end up following the game in one of the 70,000 radio listening seats, scattered all over the country, or at the cinema, where Sofia Loren competes with the Chinese partisans of the 'Long March'. In the countryside, the Koran has given way to Marx, but the customs and habits of the fathers have remained unchanged, the women with their faces half-hidden by white headbands, ready to flee into the houses at the arrival of a foreigner, often barefoot.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Together with those in Beijing, Tirana's policemen hold the record for uselessness. On the New Albania avenue leading down from Stalin's statue to the University, the street is over twenty metres wide, but except for a few lorries and buses, only two or three cars pass through every hour. Yet the traffic warden waves his white stick and blows his whistle to get passers-by to cross.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This capital city devoted to compulsory cleanliness, devoid as it is of traffic, kept clean by a few elderly sweepers, seems asleep. It resembles a set of reinforced concrete, marble and right angles, from which the sudden explosion of a drama is expected. In fact, this small people of mountain dwellers, who elaborate a petty communist idealogy, devoid of demagogic fumes, feels today at the centre of the world, related to the six hundred million Chinese.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Indeed, in this respect, Tirana can be said to have faster reflexes than Beijing. Its analyses of world events precede those of the Chinese Communist Party, and the Zëri i Popullit often surpasses the Genmingibao. However, no doctrinal text or document for Party activists is published without the imprimatur of the Chinese.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the Scanderbeg Square, a colossal building under construction proudly displays its marble colonnades and surreal steps. It is the Palace of Culture. In its shadow thrives the small trade of a few old women who have set up public weighbridges; mostly women go up there, anxious to check for the modest sum of one lek whether it is possible to get fat in a country so poor in food and delicacies.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjisFOAkm2qLMg0qA4ENzaInpJ6OYuIkcmneUOWZW5Miu-sV1SLiHdotjv6KkCmBnmlPLyhVfnFFgmUEtuJJrVNDbKFukatkcs4DJySLUg88Z3fDV0CRZtImuprozuHK5tNKIH5-6bR-ppMF2TIoi6NC6S0CbJiNKShOmh7Yy3AR8UoD8SRaL6PFFteJo0/s2958/18.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2958" data-original-width="2020" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjisFOAkm2qLMg0qA4ENzaInpJ6OYuIkcmneUOWZW5Miu-sV1SLiHdotjv6KkCmBnmlPLyhVfnFFgmUEtuJJrVNDbKFukatkcs4DJySLUg88Z3fDV0CRZtImuprozuHK5tNKIH5-6bR-ppMF2TIoi6NC6S0CbJiNKShOmh7Yy3AR8UoD8SRaL6PFFteJo0/w274-h400/18.jpg" width="274" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">New Albania, Tirana's main street, extends towards the University. The latter, visible on the horizon, is a legacy of the period of Italian rule, erected by decision of the government of the time.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In a series of display cabinets, passers-by can admire colour photographs of extraordinary technical quality, which no other westerner can see. These are images of China's first atomic bomb, born on 16 October 1964 in the Tsai-Dan desert, captured at all stages of production, from research to the explosion of the 'mushroom cloud'. Other photos show groups of Chinese students being charged by the police during a demonstration in Moscow; a clear sign that the photographer had already been warned by the provocateurs.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Like ancient Greece, modern Albania sells its olive oil to fight poverty and industrialise the country. On the hills of Dajti and Sauku surrounding Tirana, experts from Italy have planted three hundred thousand young olive trees. This oil is the currency of exchange with China, because Albania only has gold on the stars of the red flags. Apart from fruit, a little tobacco, a few minerals, its beaches, a beautiful landscape, Albania has nothing to offer the visitor.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On the other hand, it exports the bellicose ideology of the Chinese to Europe. And this is enough for Albania to be mentioned in the newspapers, and for a bit of its revolutionary doctrine, infiltrating millions of 'Khrushchevian' communists on both sides of the Adriatic, to succeed in sowing in some of them the seed of doubt, i.e., in Moscow's eyes, the most harmful disease of the spirit.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: center;"> <b> <a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/05/shqiperia-sot-dy-milione-shpirtra.html">Lexo artikullin në shqip</a></b></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b> <a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2023/05/albania-oggi-due-milioni-di-anime.html">Leggi l'articolo in italiano </a></b> </div> </b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
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<h3 style="text-align: left;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2023/05_Maggio/testo_pdf/02_Albania%20today%20two%20million%20souls%20ten%20thousand%20policemen-GB.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"> Storia Illustrata, Arnoldo
Mondadori Editore. November 1965.</span></h3><p class="MsoFootnoteText"><o:p></o:p></p>
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</div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-60386421778850315652020-11-27T15:00:00.000-08:002023-11-27T12:52:56.275-08:00The Founding Father of the Albanian Nation<p> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<b><h1 style="text-align: center;"><b>The Founding Father of the Albanian Nation</b></h1></b><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://amzn.to/3sIfgZX" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Elton Varfi</a></b></h2><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/11/babai-i-kombit-shqiptar.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2020/11/il-padre-fondatore-della-nazione.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></p><div style="text-align: justify;">On May 30, 1913, a year after the proclamation of Albanian independence, the Treaty of London was signed, marking a precarious peace. Serbia aimed to finally acquire Durres, securing an outlet to the sea. Montenegro coveted the territory of Shkodër, up to the Drin River. Bulgaria hoped to gain at least part of the region around Lake Ohrid and a portion of Macedonian territory. Greece, naturally, desired possession of southern Albania, up to the border marked by the Seman River. However, in the end, the Turks were pushed out of Europe, except for Constantinople, ceding to the four victorious countries "the territories of its Empire on the European continent west of the line drawn from Enos on the Aegean Sea to Midia on the Black Sea, with the exception of Albania." Precisely that: with the exception of Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But let's step back for a moment.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On November 28, 1912, with the proclamation of Albania's independence, the efforts and struggles of many brave men were rewarded. Foremost among them was Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora, the founding father of the nation. But who was Ismail Vlora, and where did he come from? What had he done before that fateful November 28, 1912?</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhjLBaHPXyXwptC1G5u-dFCXskckk5TDPfRYWPpB33f-deSJzsyH8xlkPtsHZPK6I4Xz2v_QrBrbuY086Xkdy_cuGUgdcs5WrvYnOnQ7es7ft9MFYi0l_Tnb9BfGnX-7CmgSFeQqUJqWkH_3v2yCENU8YnmUZekN4TyGJmDb0EZFZBbBZfwshSCpmyhfXA/s1093/001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1093" data-original-width="851" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhjLBaHPXyXwptC1G5u-dFCXskckk5TDPfRYWPpB33f-deSJzsyH8xlkPtsHZPK6I4Xz2v_QrBrbuY086Xkdy_cuGUgdcs5WrvYnOnQ7es7ft9MFYi0l_Tnb9BfGnX-7CmgSFeQqUJqWkH_3v2yCENU8YnmUZekN4TyGJmDb0EZFZBbBZfwshSCpmyhfXA/w249-h320/001.jpg" width="249" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora, a portrait by the painter Vera Bloshmi Mellet</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Both his birth and death are shrouded in mystery. During the period of communist dictatorship, texts describing him indicated the year 1844 as his birth year, without any reference to the day or month. Was it really so difficult to find the exact date of his birth? A Turkish historian, Negip Alpan, in his book "The Albanians in the Ottoman Empire," writes about Ismail Bey Vlora: "He was born on October 16, 1846." This revelation clears up the mystery surrounding the lack of precise birth data. October 16, the birthday of the dictator Enver Hoxha, was not marked by celebrations except for Hoxha himself. It's probably just a legend, as Ismail Vlora himself admitted his birth date was January 16, 1844<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2020/il%20padre%20fondatore%20della%20nazione%20albanese/02_english.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a>. Even on the tomb of Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora, the birth date is marked as "January 1844."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Further confusion, generated by the communists, arises with the attribution of his name. His full name was Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora. "Kemal" is a Turkish term meaning "mature, wise," Bey was a title of nobility - comparable to the English title "Sir" - and Vlora was his surname. Due to propaganda, most Albanians know him simply as Ismail Kemal. The omission of the surname began with the self-proclaimed King of Albania, Ahmet Zogu.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The communists could not accept the Ottoman title "Bey" for the father of the nation. The surname Vlora, however, evoked one of the country's most powerful, wealthy, and patriotic families. After World War II, the descendants of this family were persecuted. The son of Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora fled Albania during the reign of Zogu due to various disagreements with him, and upon his return after the war, he was arrested for trivial reasons by Hoxha's regime and died in prison.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora passed away on January 26, 1919, in Perugia, at the Brufani Hotel. The "Sage of Vlorë" was in Italy at the invitation of the Italian Government, scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando and Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino. However, this meeting never took place because the Italian Government was preparing for the Paris Peace Conference. Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora found himself in a sort of gilded cage within the hotel in Perugia. He was like a caged lion, as his intention was to participate in the Paris Peace Conference to defend the Albanian cause. He never achieved this due to being "betrayed" by the Italians, the very people who had been his allies and supporters in 1912, including the Foreign Minister Antonino Paternò Castello, Marquis of San Giuliano.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In February 1918, he was appointed by an assembly of the "National Party of Albania" that had taken place two months earlier in Worcester, Massachusetts. This assembly conferred upon him the credentials to represent the Albanian colony in the United States, with a clear mandate to ensure the complete political and economic independence of Albania and to obtain the necessary alterations of the Albanian borders. These alterations were to include those lands and provinces inhabited almost exclusively by the Albanian people, which, during the years 1912 and 1913, the London Ambassadors' Conferences had divided hastily and unjustly, attributing them to Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These were the issues he wanted to address at the press conference organized on January 24, 1919, in the hall of the Brufani Hotel, due to his inability and disappointment at not participating in the Paris Peace Conference<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2020/il%20padre%20fondatore%20della%20nazione%20albanese/02_english.docx#_ftn2">[2]</a>. The press conference lasted only a couple of minutes because the elderly statesman suffered a health crisis and had to withdraw. He died two days later, on January 26, due to an acute myocardial infarction. He was 75 years old. Even in this case, conspiracy theories gained traction. Many believed that Ismail Vlora was poisoned. Without concrete evidence, these theories remained just that.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But what was the journey that led Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora to Perugia in 1919?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After proclaiming the independence of Albania from the Ottoman Empire on November 28, 1912, Ismail Vlora was appointed Prime Minister in a provisional government. Despite the efforts of Albanian patriots to elect their own government and establish the borders of the newly born Albanian state, they faced the indifference of the Great Powers, the invasion and devastation caused by Serbia, and the bombardment of Vlorë by Greece. Albania had just been born but was already at risk of dying. From the beginning of October 1913, a new factor entered the country's internal politics: the International Control Commission and the international commissions for the delimitation of borders, namely the one for the north and northeast border starting from Shkodër to Luma, and the one for the south and southeast border beginning its work in Monastir.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite the Great Powers recognizing Albania's independence on July 29, 1913, the creation of the International Control Commission managed to limit the sovereign rights of the Albanian State. This is why Ismail Kemal declared on October 21:</div><div style="text-align: justify;">“<i>The purpose of Europe cannot be just our welfare, but a control, however mild and sweetened it may be considered, since it stems from the world's opinion about the inability of Albanians to govern themselves, provokes unpleasant feelings in every Albanian who wants the moral happiness of his Homeland.</i>”</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The International Control Commission did not recognize the government of Vlorë as a national government, but merely as a local authority under its control.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In December 1913, after the Second Balkan War, which had resulted in further territorial expansion of Greece and Serbia, the Young Turks thought of establishing a revanchist alliance with Sofia against Athens and Belgrade, deciding to make Albania a military base behind their opponents. The first step towards this goal was to create favorable conditions for the appointment of a Turkish prince on the throne of Albania. Since a prince had not yet been chosen by the great powers, the emissaries of the Young Turks, led by Beqir Grebene and supported by their Albanian sympathizers, started a movement in favor of the Turkish prince Izet Pasha.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Beqir Grebene also entered into negotiations with Ismail Kemal, asking him to participate in the military plan against Serbia and Greece, offering as a reward the promise that, in case of a Turkish victory, Kosovo and Chameria would be returned to Albania. The head of the Government of Vlorë, convinced of the seriousness of the Turkish-Bulgarian venture, gave his approval for the entry into Albania of arms and men of the Turkish army, which were to act as bands on the Serbian border, leaving the issue of the Turkish prince undefined.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the project was discovered by the International Control Commission, Beqir Grebene and his followers were arrested. In the military court that sat behind closed doors in Vlorë, the connections of Esad Pasha Toptani as well as those of Ismail Kemal with Beqir Grebene emerged. The political opponents of the Government of Vlorë took the opportunity to discredit Ismail Kemal and his companions as participants in a conspiracy directed at the Albanian State against the decision of the great powers which in the meantime had appointed Wilhelm de Wied as Prince of Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXDhipKNbYa8AoIDYHVPGbjK3bsUrbZ8SJ_2cac5n_0EvOin6LEGwlHXPigpHJ3o_2FzM2c3FNN-0A4zGpxHwOBqbuV5kUgvNI1qPln5Y01Wz5F2rUne8o2VBc8-XCuFi3BE7HljyouWY2BfoaU2u7WwwRdXC6I7ZYmFljK9gah0tav3j_Xo9Bn4gzcIk/s1185/002.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1185" data-original-width="993" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXDhipKNbYa8AoIDYHVPGbjK3bsUrbZ8SJ_2cac5n_0EvOin6LEGwlHXPigpHJ3o_2FzM2c3FNN-0A4zGpxHwOBqbuV5kUgvNI1qPln5Y01Wz5F2rUne8o2VBc8-XCuFi3BE7HljyouWY2BfoaU2u7WwwRdXC6I7ZYmFljK9gah0tav3j_Xo9Bn4gzcIk/w335-h400/002.jpg" width="335" /></a></div><p></p>
<div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>Essad Pasha Toptani, President of the Albanian Senate during the transitional period before the arrival of Prince Wied.</b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Essad Pasha Toptani, who in the provisional government had the role of President of the Albanian Senate, immediately turned his back on Ismail Kemal, trying to bring down the same government. He was the sworn enemy of Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora; in the military court, he mobilized his bands attempting several times to forcibly occupy Elbasan. In these conditions, Ismail Kemal decided that the time had come to resign and hand over power to the International Control Commission even though Prince Wied had not yet arrived in Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Thus, on January 22, 1914, the Provisional Government of Vlorë resigned, persuaded that "the only way to end separatism and anarchy in the country was the formation of a single government for the whole of Albania."</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ismail Kemal left Albania, but continued his efforts abroad for the good of the country. After Esad Toptani also resigned, the International Control Commission took over all power. Ismail Vlora first went to Barcelona, then settled in Nice, and only after four months, just before the start of World War I, returned to Albania due to the severe crisis the newly installed king was going through. Ismail Kemal initially issued declarations of loyalty to the Prince, also expressing optimism about the possibility that, "with good and prudent government," the crisis could be overcome. In a meeting held on July 9 in Durres, with a group of notables, he proposed to the Prince, as a way out of the crisis, a cantonal solution under the authority of the Control Commission, which would have left him more nominal powers. The Prince refused and Ismail Kemal, returning to Vlora, formed a “public health committee” for the province.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the onset of World War II, he settled in Paris. Despite being in great economic difficulty as he had a large family, France not only denied him financial aid but also "invited" him to leave. The reason was linked to the presence of Esat Toptani in Paris, Ismail Vlora's sworn enemy. The French, like the British, had bet precisely on Esat Toptani as an interlocutor for the Albanian issue in the decisions that would be made at the 1919 Peace Conference.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">While preparing to participate in the Peace Conference, Ismail Vlora received an invitation from Italy from Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, so he set off for Perugia convinced that he would once again have the support of the Italians. He thus undertook what would become the last journey of his life.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora completed his primary education in his hometown. He attended the “Zosimeia” secondary school in Janina and moved to Istanbul in May 1860 where he worked as a translator for the Ottoman Ministry of Foreign Affairs and later for the district administrations of Janina (1862-1864) and Bulgaria (1866-ca.1877).</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As a supporter of the Turkish reformist politician Midhat Pasha, he was interned in Asia Minor from 1877 to early 1884, immediately after which he became governor of Bolu. In the following years, he served as the governor of Gallipoli (1890), Beirut (1891), and a member of the State Council in the late '90s.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">He left for Italy in the summer of 1900, where he accidentally met the Albanian-origin statesman Francesco Crispi at the Hotel de l’Europe. By his own admission, Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora said they “spoke in Albanian”. He visited France and Belgium, where he met Faik Bey Konica, owner of the newspaper Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ismail Vlora took over the publication's direction and at the same time prepared a brief work on the Transvaal War, aiming to explain the reasons for his departure from Istanbul and to expose the Muslim world's feelings towards the civilizing work of Great Britain.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">His relations with Faik Bey Konica did not last long. Soon after, he was forced to found another newspaper, printed in Albanian, Turkish, and Greek, which he titled le Salut de Albanie.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Finally, he visited England. He returned to the Ottoman Empire only after the Young Turks' revolution in 1908, when he represented Berat as a member of the opposition in the Turkish parliament.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the spring of 1909, he participated in the counterrevolution against the Young Turks and founded the “Ahrar” (liberal) party with the aim of decentralizing the empire.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In March 1911, the revolt of the Catholic Malisors in the north of Shkodra, aided by Montenegrins and Serbs in an anti-Turkish function, coincided with scattered agitations that broke out in the south of the country.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Clashes with the Ottoman troops became fierce and violent, especially again in Kosovo.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">By mid-May, the rebels had captured various cities, and in June, the Catholic Mirdites also demonstrated. The Ottoman repression continued mercilessly.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ismail Kemal, along with Luigj Gurakuqi, went to Cetinje to meet the insurgents. Several Albanian leaders, gathered in Montenegro around Ismail Kemal, agreed on June 23, 1911, on a common program contained in the “Gerche memorandum”, the “red book”, a document of great significance that, along with immediate demands for amnesty and reparations, envisioned for the first time and in an organized manner the autonomy of all Albania.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p><span></span></o:p></span></p><a name='more'></a> <p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9nZjoHpmtKCOI_eV1ngZtV8InSFeApeFdHB0SDTJj_EG9weHVXJ8WF7k9OUPqupBivv0n9tEX0wL_rdACXZF_3RJv0ONkqgB6HlX41ShKwpqPKKwJB2yShiZhJF-uiuP2SC7IRZKTQfnAzDHoKJlbuCof28XpBCVEeRpfEpTUWKI5hy7TiOpWOMvuegg/s1197/003.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1197" data-original-width="1031" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9nZjoHpmtKCOI_eV1ngZtV8InSFeApeFdHB0SDTJj_EG9weHVXJ8WF7k9OUPqupBivv0n9tEX0wL_rdACXZF_3RJv0ONkqgB6HlX41ShKwpqPKKwJB2yShiZhJF-uiuP2SC7IRZKTQfnAzDHoKJlbuCof28XpBCVEeRpfEpTUWKI5hy7TiOpWOMvuegg/w345-h400/003.jpg" width="345" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora with Isa Boletini, leader of the Kosovar insurrection against the Turks.</span></b></div><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></p><div style="text-align: justify;">In June, the presence of Sultan Mehmet V in Kosovo and his ideas of openness did not stop the insurrection.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On September 29, Italy declared war on Turkey. Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora realized that the end of the Ottoman Empire was imminent. The survival of Albania, which should not succumb along with the now dying Ottoman Empire, was at stake. The time for action had come.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In October, the First Balkan War broke out.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With the defeat of the Turkish armies, the neighboring ultra-nationalists began to implement their plans of annexation at the expense of Albania. The Albanians strove to defend their territory with arms against the invaders, but they could not stop the march of the Balkan allies. Albania went through very difficult times, especially since the neighboring great powers, which initially declared they would not allow any change to the status quo in the Balkans, by the end of October were forced to accept the necessity of territorial changes in favor of the Balkan Quadruple Alliance.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However, the Albanian patriots managed to take advantage of these circumstances and skillfully exploited the existing divergences among the imperialist powers.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Triple Alliance - Germany, Italy, and especially Austria-Hungary - was decidedly opposed to Serbia, behind which Russia was lurking, gaining access to the Adriatic through Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Events were developing so rapidly that the Albanian patriots were forced to act with energetic firmness.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Firstly, it was necessary to build a political platform from which the Albanian national movement should emerge, in relation to the new conditions created by the First Balkan War.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the country, since mid-October, an initiative in this sense was taken by the Black Association of Salvation (the most developed patriotic clandestine organization in Albania), which decided that the Albanian people should take up arms, not to support the Turkish occupation in the Balkans, but for the emancipation and unification of the entire Albanian territory.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Abroad, the initiative for the corresponding political action was taken by Ismail Kemal along with his close collaborator Luigj Gurakuqi. At the end of October, both left Istanbul, heading to Bucharest, where they organized, with the representatives of the Albanian colony in Romania, the conference of November 5.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Meanwhile, inside Albania, the patriots were organizing connections among themselves with the aim of organizing a national convention so that, at the beginning of November, a special commission was established in Vlora to which, on November 18, Ismail Kemal sent the first telegram highlighting the necessity of convening a meeting of national representatives, in Durres or Vlora.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Triple Alliance (Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary) with its support ensured the advance of the armies of the Balkan allies aimed at the expulsion of Turkey from the Balkans and finally, after the interruption of territorial continuity between Albania and Istanbul, induced Ismail Kemal and his companions to determine that, in the new circumstance brought about by the war, the only favorable action for the Albanian cause was no longer the request for territorial-administrative autonomy, but the proclamation of independence.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This decision of the Albanian patriots to declare independence was first made known to the world through an interview Ismail Kemal gave to the Austrian newspaper "Neue Freie Presse" in Trieste.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The skilled diplomat stated that he intended to reach Durrës before the Serbian occupiers and that immediately after his arrival, Albania's independence would be proclaimed with the aim of establishing a provisional government, thereby presenting Europe with a fait accompli. The idea of declaring independence and convening a national convention had captured the hearts of the Albanian people, who finally saw their centuries-old aspirations coming to fruition.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As delegations from various regions were making their way to Vlorë, in this city, facing the imminent threat of Serbian occupation, a group of citizens gathered around Ismail Kemal and decided to declare independence without delay, intending to confront the foreign occupiers with a new scenario.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Thus, on November 28, 1912, the National Assembly convened and from Vlorë proclaimed the independence of Albania, electing a Provisional Government headed by Ismail Kemal and a group of 18 elders representing the functions of a Control Organ and State Council, led by Vehbi Dibra.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJzfUzXNDUN4vQdQ0dAaQC8jRPBCn-A_4O_AVuD31OtRX0RhKVhVnUUFZhoAPQ3Q91HuCtiQRNDca98CfCVsfESHUqrD4t0gQSAjNjanCWVXp-7Q1qpKFIfbskOg6vFkPHmwgbxKmMyBeHvdLCV0FqKkKnOVDDErsFDqpo_icy0qCMvQJSQu5BadZUsTs/s2530/005.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1048" data-original-width="2530" height="166" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJzfUzXNDUN4vQdQ0dAaQC8jRPBCn-A_4O_AVuD31OtRX0RhKVhVnUUFZhoAPQ3Q91HuCtiQRNDca98CfCVsfESHUqrD4t0gQSAjNjanCWVXp-7Q1qpKFIfbskOg6vFkPHmwgbxKmMyBeHvdLCV0FqKkKnOVDDErsFDqpo_icy0qCMvQJSQu5BadZUsTs/w400-h166/005.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The assembly of nationalists gathered in Vlorë that proclaimed the nation's independence. In the center, Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The creation of the independent Albanian state appeared as an essential prerequisite for achieving a reorganization based on more advanced foundations of the country's internal life and for its more rapid economic development.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Provisional Government of Vlorë changed its members several times during its existence, but at its head always remained, until the end, Ismail Kemal, the main organizer.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This government did not fare well from the very first moments of its establishment. The Greek fleet, during its bombardments on Vlorë, had cut the communication cable that was the only channel of connection with the outside world, leaving the government completely isolated and unaware of what was happening beyond the border.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In March 1913, Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora took advantage of the arrival of the British-flagged yacht of the Duke of Montpensier in Vlorë, who had come to submit his candidacy for the throne of Albania, and left with him.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On April 1st, he disembarked in Brindisi. The purpose of the journey undertaken by the prime minister of the new Albanian state was to fight for Albania's territorial integrity with the powers, especially in London, where the Conference was deliberating on the Balkan settlement.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In Vienna, Chancellor von Berchtold, from the first conversation, hinted at how slim the hope was for Albania to maintain its territorial integrity, despite its rights and despite the efforts made for its liberation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For Ismail Kemal, it was a heavy blow, but the worst was yet to come, as on the day of his departure from Paris to London, he learned of the surrender of the city of Shkodra to the Montenegrins by Essad Pasha Toptani.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This disaster, which occurred just as the fleet of the six great powers was maneuvering to force King Nikola to end the siege, jeopardized the integrity and perhaps even the very existence of Albania.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The return to Vlorë happened in June 1913.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ismail Kemal Bey Vlora, so old, tired, and disheartened, was forced to appeal to the powers to proceed with the appointment and installation of a king.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It was March 7, 1914, when Prince Wilhelm of Wied, a man in the prime of his maturity, chosen by the great powers as king for the throne of Albania, set foot for the first time on Albanian soil, in the port of Durrës, but that is another story.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2023/11/babai-i-kombit-shqiptar.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2020/11/il-padre-fondatore-della-nazione.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2020/il%20padre%20fondatore%20della%20nazione%20albanese/02_english.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">I was born on January 16, 1844, in
Vlorë, the Albanian city where many years later I would proclaim the
independence of my homeland. My father was Mahmud Bey Vlora, and my mother was
Hedié Hanëm from Gjirokastër.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">Ismail
Kemal Bey Vlora, Memoirs (Edited by Nermin Falaschi - Rome 1978)</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2020/il%20padre%20fondatore%20della%20nazione%20albanese/02_english.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">The Paris Peace Conference of 1919
was a peace conference organized by the victorious countries of World War I,
committed to outlining a new geopolitical situation in Europe and drafting
peace treaties with the Central Powers defeated in the war. The conference
opened on January 18, 1919, and lasted until January 21, 1920, with some intervals.</span><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
</div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-386047714059250670.post-41717773334354850602020-11-07T15:00:00.012-08:002023-10-29T03:05:56.488-07:00The Formation of the Albanian Communist Party<h2 style="text-align: center;">The Formation of the Albanian Communist Party</h2><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://amzn.to/3tkHSZ3">Elton Varfi</a></b></h2><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2020/11/themelimi-i-partise-komuniste-shqiptare.html" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2020/11/la-fondazione-del-partito-comunista.html" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The inception of the Albanian Communist Party in November 1941 marked a significant turning point not only for the communist groups scattered across Albanian territory, but also for the country's history over the subsequent forty-five years; a turn of events with negative undertones. According to the historiography of the dictatorship, the formation of the Albanian Communist Party had a sole architect, Enver Hoxha, who played a pivotal role in constructing this false narrative, particularly through the authorship of a book<a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2020/Il%20partito%20comunista%20albanese/02_The%20Formation%20of%20the%20Albanian%20Communist%20Party.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a> written between 1975 and 1976. In this book, Hoxha presented his viewpoint on the unfolding events, drawing upon his own memories.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZMW3V3UQjZgT2DBV1IN_24pF6LqWf3HxoGUFf12-PP8xZg291jNGF_rDefKxDwJaLm-RSHpFni8nnDoqS9u2nVMYonRpKlSXtcyZusdXlJclhabACDGG3a3gJQMZUqcuE4LuE-hBMRBt2EYyuKNpG1EyokbPq_BBl8oGPDgyHPRyOCN1A4uP6fH0E9UE/s3176/Scan2020-11-07_193752.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="3176" data-original-width="2381" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZMW3V3UQjZgT2DBV1IN_24pF6LqWf3HxoGUFf12-PP8xZg291jNGF_rDefKxDwJaLm-RSHpFni8nnDoqS9u2nVMYonRpKlSXtcyZusdXlJclhabACDGG3a3gJQMZUqcuE4LuE-hBMRBt2EYyuKNpG1EyokbPq_BBl8oGPDgyHPRyOCN1A4uP6fH0E9UE/w240-h320/Scan2020-11-07_193752.jpg" width="240" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Enver Hoxha (1908-1985), leader of the Albanian communists from 1943 until his death.</span></b></div></b><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Enver Hoxha, acting as an “omniscient narrator,” often embellished the circumstances with anecdotes and “juicy” details. His admirable “steel-trap memory” vividly described the night the Party was formed, attributing distinct psychological profiles to the key figures, even thirty-five years post the events. In this descriptive and role-assigning context, he donned an unchallenged conductor's attire, mainly since those who could contradict him were not in a position to do so.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Hoxha placed himself at the center of the narrative, assuming an absolute protagonist role. The meeting was attended by three groups: "Korça," which included Hoxha himself, "Scutari" boasting notable names like Qemal Stafa and Vasil Shanto, and the "young" group with members like Sadik Premtja and Anastas Lula, later recognized as foes; along with two members of the Yugoslav Communist Party, Dushan Mugosha and Miladin Popović, making a total of fifteen attendees.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiAXazn8wWhE5X3iAp6UXH7RifEBo99P6FctKYLnOsAcJDUEDv2gaNE1-su64bcfaIVWOHZ18-7NG8B_50FrdRcyH2VRbOEk_0ODB8nAz-xy4EN1vVByWK7a5CZZ-u0QMw_9nBGGjRam15OSIaQedhV6ESRRzDD1sDEe0dhWQgQRhQ-CTYOFl-tDTXaNA/s1523/img001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1523" data-original-width="1231" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjiAXazn8wWhE5X3iAp6UXH7RifEBo99P6FctKYLnOsAcJDUEDv2gaNE1-su64bcfaIVWOHZ18-7NG8B_50FrdRcyH2VRbOEk_0ODB8nAz-xy4EN1vVByWK7a5CZZ-u0QMw_9nBGGjRam15OSIaQedhV6ESRRzDD1sDEe0dhWQgQRhQ-CTYOFl-tDTXaNA/s320/img001.jpg" width="259" /></a></div><b><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Qemal Stafa (1920-1942), founding member of the Albanian Communist Party and leader of the Youth Movement, was assassinated on May 5, 1942.</span></b></div></b><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhi99gzKItT9IjachUvopTRV2vlyYYkZEqwsVezXH-tJmNzeME1gDkTT1ii2FdL2Y-TCJQBKP89V4G31zYH4uUCOi2QtslDgX_S9socixH6crDZp0GzZRZtCt38nIC0XA0erOQxEGirRrYOUuslO2OKDRmUBN5FmMTA1HU2UiCGgeq10o75gCicFUP8wIs/s1605/img003.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1605" data-original-width="1296" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhi99gzKItT9IjachUvopTRV2vlyYYkZEqwsVezXH-tJmNzeME1gDkTT1ii2FdL2Y-TCJQBKP89V4G31zYH4uUCOi2QtslDgX_S9socixH6crDZp0GzZRZtCt38nIC0XA0erOQxEGirRrYOUuslO2OKDRmUBN5FmMTA1HU2UiCGgeq10o75gCicFUP8wIs/s320/img003.jpg" width="258" /></a></div><b style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Vasil Shanto, (1913-1944) also known as Vasko, was one of the founders of the Albanian Communist Party. Alongside Qemal Stafa, he led the communist group of Scutari.</span></b></div></b><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div style="text-align: justify;">According to Hoxha, he delivered the opening speech and proposed the formation of the Albanian Communist Party, a proposal strongly supported by Qemal Stafa, Vasil Shanto, and the Yugoslav emissaries.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite their disagreement, the “young” group couldn’t thwart the formation of the Albanian Communist Party. During the meeting, the communist factions established a provisional central committee composed of seven members: Enver Hoxha, Qemal Stafa, Ramadan Çitaku, Koçi Xoxe, Tuk Jakova, Kristo Themelko, and Gjira Marko.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But what really transpired?</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On November 8, 1941, in Tirana, the Albanian Communist Party was founded, later renamed the Labour Party in 1948.</div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8y6gvrMjg5ZbS5jA594ADE0_boj6yKcbyW2qcxoyGrMJEXDTffl3Ak6oT-evyCBlK8i95IsYa7UJS7Brmv8GhBF0il3P_8U9onRZn1EbPc7YswtJVpPfe9b0VbMMk72l3fmkEbL4TTrKga0z7JBtdTv4d4k4W-Hpi4IJ-xs7jrIF2GBAJvVcJ5qEuVd4/s1229/001.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="842" data-original-width="1229" height="219" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8y6gvrMjg5ZbS5jA594ADE0_boj6yKcbyW2qcxoyGrMJEXDTffl3Ak6oT-evyCBlK8i95IsYa7UJS7Brmv8GhBF0il3P_8U9onRZn1EbPc7YswtJVpPfe9b0VbMMk72l3fmkEbL4TTrKga0z7JBtdTv4d4k4W-Hpi4IJ-xs7jrIF2GBAJvVcJ5qEuVd4/s320/001.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The house where the Albanian Communist Party was founded.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Yugoslav political leadership managed to unify the Albanian communist militants, previously dispersed into various groups. Tito sent his emissaries, Dushan Mugosha and Miladin Popović to Albania, who played a crucial role in the formation of the Albanian Communist Party. Popović, freshly released from Peqin prison by Vasil Shanto, emerged as the real leader shortly after the formation, promptly initiating a purge of undesirable elements within the freshly formed party. In April 1942, at a house serving as the base for communists, the first consultative meeting of the Albanian Communist Party was held, focusing primarily on organizing armed resistance and selecting a leader for the party. Four candidates were nominated for the position of secretary: Qemal Stafa, Ymer Dishnica, Sadik Stavaleci, and Enver Hoxha. The election, however, never occurred.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgl_vYQmjWtBcqd3DRTqyXvLqp_XmeiyyWGncoPcDzunvHQEtn4TzWgX75E6j98799avhKQSuWqxd2OBf3u82f-XmwDMA_VGFawMBUAyYhVxvZt3xHUe5sEABz1LzGiRGQKILNP8guPt6pGNXMWcOJB2_qcCggwL-1PR0kXarImePWWPJlZz6i_FpOlWR0/s1345/003.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1345" data-original-width="1183" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgl_vYQmjWtBcqd3DRTqyXvLqp_XmeiyyWGncoPcDzunvHQEtn4TzWgX75E6j98799avhKQSuWqxd2OBf3u82f-XmwDMA_VGFawMBUAyYhVxvZt3xHUe5sEABz1LzGiRGQKILNP8guPt6pGNXMWcOJB2_qcCggwL-1PR0kXarImePWWPJlZz6i_FpOlWR0/s320/003.jpg" width="281" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Enver Hoxha and Miladin Popović.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Later, Ymer Dishnica would observe and testify to a "strange detachment between Enver Hoxha and Qemal Stafa." Only two weeks later, on May 5, 1942, under unclear circumstances, Qemal Stafa, the most enlightened communist of the Scutari group, was killed in a firefight against the fascists.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On June 28 and 29, 1942, the Yugoslav emissaries organized an extraordinary conference of the communist party in Tirana. The first two high-ranking members to be purged were the leaders of the "young" group, Sadik Premtja and Anastas Lula. Accused by Popović as "factionalists" and saboteurs, they were expelled from the party, yet due to their services for the communist cause, they were "invited" to continue working for the party.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The real sins of these two "young" group leaders were their opposition to Yugoslav leadership, demonstrated shortly after the party's formation. They didn't want the Albanian Communist Party to merely serve as the tail of the Yugoslav Communist Party, a stance Miladin Popović didn’t forgive. Meanwhile, the Albanian Communist Party was still without a political head.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The favorable tides for the Russians during the Battle of Stalingrad in February 1943 prompted the two Yugoslav emissaries, who were controlling the Albanian communist movement, to expedite the selection of party and consequently country leaders. The future dictator Enver Hoxha was a young man devoid of political and organizational experience, making it a mystery how he managed to become the party leader. He was present on the night of the party's formation, but according to some direct testimonials, he attended as an escort to Pilo Peristeri, a member of the Korça group. His role immediately post-formation was that of a “treasurer”.<span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">It was the Yugoslavs who gambled on him, viewing him as a useful instrument to pursue party objectives. For this reason, they organized a conference of the Albanian Communist Party from March 17 to March 22, 1943, in Labinot district of Elbasan. From this conference, Enver Hoxha emerged as the General Secretary of the Albanian Communist Party.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6O1BljnC88X4H5RjwHLGY3i4Mvn7sJBTj-TKlpHK0Z8jbIE0MwKV5vt2IcVa198s38yCghK-u-gwC5kpKCwPvpY2Lt1cdKGKZcDnEw4K_da7jZZhvvVZzwhMTAtxLME0KGWRhcgPgjEIEMTQ0sPsDlWlNiaN3L7Mu-G39lu6pLK7NMbXbwgJLua1pcuI/s1482/Scan2020-11-07_194232.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="886" data-original-width="1482" height="191" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6O1BljnC88X4H5RjwHLGY3i4Mvn7sJBTj-TKlpHK0Z8jbIE0MwKV5vt2IcVa198s38yCghK-u-gwC5kpKCwPvpY2Lt1cdKGKZcDnEw4K_da7jZZhvvVZzwhMTAtxLME0KGWRhcgPgjEIEMTQ0sPsDlWlNiaN3L7Mu-G39lu6pLK7NMbXbwgJLua1pcuI/s320/Scan2020-11-07_194232.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Photo of the location where the Labinot Conference took place in 1943.</span></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In 1943, shortly after the Labinot conference, Miladin Popović reported to his superiors in Yugoslavia about Hoxha: “A man capable of leading, he has grown rapidly and is the strongest fighter for party purification, a good and decisive organizer, albeit lacking in theory. The most popular person in the party, already a member of the "Korça" group four years ago. “</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Under the leadership of Enver Hoxha, the communist party would oppress the Albanian people for a whopping forty-five years.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLWR9nHSmwZAUbpCicx4IjSEMIv1DlieP54DSu84O0qBvBA4QToPaYNMnyJsrQu81IVxFQFCGD82afzniIAo57TX4QWGAZHdNIcMviMraw6__HLTTy-fr1zmhmFwdaPPpmT2SPxVeEexUITJLAVnPtWMVJ8mDtzhlVGdL_aTpjj6qIpwlyeAfjnTlQTQA/s832/004.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="763" data-original-width="832" height="293" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLWR9nHSmwZAUbpCicx4IjSEMIv1DlieP54DSu84O0qBvBA4QToPaYNMnyJsrQu81IVxFQFCGD82afzniIAo57TX4QWGAZHdNIcMviMraw6__HLTTy-fr1zmhmFwdaPPpmT2SPxVeEexUITJLAVnPtWMVJ8mDtzhlVGdL_aTpjj6qIpwlyeAfjnTlQTQA/s320/004.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><b>Enver Hoxha visiting the house where the Albanian Communist Party was founded. November 1948.</b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Out of the fifteen founding members, only four led peaceful lives without persecution: Enver Hoxha, Pilo Peristeri, Sadik Premtja—who managed to evade a death sentence by settling in Paris—and Sinan Hasani who moved to Kosovo before the war ended; the rest either died in war, were executed, or were interned in the remotest parts of the country, living lives full of hardship under constant surveillance.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div><a href="https://eltonvarfishqip.blogspot.com/2020/11/themelimi-i-partise-komuniste-shqiptare.html" target="_blank"><b>Lexo artikullin në shqip</b></a></div><div><a href="https://eltonvarfi.blogspot.com/2020/11/la-fondazione-del-partito-comunista.html" target="_blank"><b>Leggi l'articolo in italiano</b></a></div></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->
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<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Elton/Desktop/Arkivi_Shqiptar/BLOG/2020/Il%20partito%20comunista%20albanese/02_The%20Formation%20of%20the%20Albanian%20Communist%20Party.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">“Kur lindi Partia”, literally
translated, "When the Party was Born".</span><o:p></o:p></p>
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</div>Elton Varfihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05020517902261186037noreply@blogger.com0